Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies)

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Twitter, political personalities, and race consciousness: the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters.
(University of the Western Cape, 2023) Daki, Enathi; Hoskins, Jonathan Mark
The thesis will discuss the racialisation process in contemporary South Africa, it builds on the argument that we are in constant exposure to ideology. Therefore, this exposure to ideology further perpetuates the racialisation process. I will outline this process by highlighting how Twitter becomes an enhancer of the racialisation process. I will apply Althusser’s concepts of ideology and draw on the theory of hailing and interpellation to draft out how ideology is disseminated on Twitter. The thesis will discuss how tweets posted on social media can influence how people view and understand racial consciousness. To be able to successfully undertake this route I will draw on Malema and Zille to highlight how these political personalities use the hailing and interpellation powers of Twitter to further the racialisation process in contemporary South Africa. Additionally, the research draws on Althusser to outline certain key features (Likes, Retweets) within Twitter that can be utilized to recruit individuals into a particular ideology. This demonstrates how these features can be applied by political personalities to interpellate/recruit individuals into their racial ideological views. The research sets out to investigate how Helen Zille and Julius Malema's Twitter usage involves the dissemination of their race consciousness. The propagation of their views is the encapsulation of ideology, and their ideologies are mass communicated to a fast and efficient platform. Twitter is a mass disseminator of information thus allowing for people to receive information quickly and there are no invisible walls that disable people from accessing the tweets. Julius Malema and Helen Zille have been under scrutiny for some of their controversial tweets about race, essentially, they help draw a picture of how race is perpetuated in society. Additionally, both individuals have different experiences of race thus their communication of race is also centred on their experiences. This also allows the research to identify how race is constant in our daily experiences and we exist as racializing subjects based on our race ideology that we are born into.
Informal Settlement Upgrading in Cape Town: Understanding Participatory Governance in Ramaphosa Informal Settlement.
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Majola, Mfundo; Anciano, Fiona
In recent years there has been a rise of informal settlements in Cape Town, and other parts of the country. Informal settlements are not a new phenomenon in South Africa, due to apartheid spatial planning and segregated development, alongside rapid urbanization. Apartheid planning and urbanisation have enabled the growth of informal settlements, particularly as citizens seek alternative living spaces on the informal fringes of urban areas. This study examines obstacles to the upgrading of informal settlements in Cape Town, particularly Ramaphosa, a newly formed settlement on the edge of the City. The study was conducted using qualitative case study research which included fifteen interviews, online sources (Google Maps) and observation. During the course of the study I spent a great deal of time in the community of Ramaphosa, so empirical observation forms part of the methods. The study used Google satellite technology and Google maps, in getting a much better picture of the settlement.
Informal Settlement Upgrading in Cape Town: Understanding Participatory Governance in Ramaphosa Informal Settlement.
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Majola, Mfundo; Anciano, Fiona
In recent years there has been a rise of informal settlements in Cape Town, and other parts of the country. Informal settlements are not a new phenomenon in South Africa, due to apartheid spatial planning and segregated development, alongside rapid urbanization. Apartheid planning and urbanisation have enabled the growth of informal settlements, particularly as citizens seek alternative living spaces on the informal fringes of urban areas. This study examines obstacles to the upgrading of informal settlements in Cape Town, particularly Ramaphosa, a newly formed settlement on the edge of the City. The study was conducted using qualitative case study research which included fifteen interviews, online sources (Google Maps) and observation. During the course of the study I spent a great deal of time in the community of Ramaphosa, so empirical observation forms part of the methods. The study used Google satellite technology and Google maps, in getting a much better picture of the settlement. The study investigates the theory that upgrading of settlements can be achieved through participatory governance. It explores whether, citizen participation in government structures of development, engaging with local government, and mobilizing the community, can lead to the upgrading of a settlement. The findings show that the community of Ramaphosa created spaces of participation within their community, the community had a space to deliberate, engage, plan and consult regarding informal settlement upgrading. The community of Ramaphosa has strong grassroots activism and active citizenship. The community was able to mobilize for informal settlement upgrading. Through the active citizenship, activism and spaces of participation, the community were able to upgrade their informal settlement. However, their demands for a formal upgrading were not met.
Informal settlement upgrading in Cape Town: Understanding participatory governance in Ramaphosa informal settlement
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Majola, Mfundo; Anciano, Fiona
In recent years there has been a rise of informal settlements in Cape Town, and other parts of the country. Informal settlements are not a new phenomenon in South Africa, due to apartheid spatial planning and segregated development, alongside rapid urbanization. Apartheid planning and urbanisation have enabled the growth of informal settlements, particularly as citizens seek alternative living spaces on the informal fringes of urban areas. This study examines obstacles to the upgrading of informal settlements in Cape Town, particularly Ramaphosa, a newly formed settlement on the edge of the City.
Women, empowerment and the reduction of social injustice in private and public spheres: A case of Gatesville, Athlone
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Brukwe, Kanyisile; Anciano, Fiona
The research question for this study focused on women’s mobilisation in the community of Gatesville, Athlone, and whether and how they are challenging the gendered structures within both their homes (private sphere) and their public spaces. This is based on the assumption, led by radical feminist theory, that the public sphere is affected by gendered practices in the home (private sphere). The study made use of a qualitative approach grounded in narrative inquiry and is presented in a narrative format and thematic analysis.
Cybersecurity provision: A typology of cybersecurity agents
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Maphumulo, Kwenzokuhle; Pretorius, Joelien
The means of communication available to humanity have evolved throughout the centuries and have become more efficient and effective. Through these changes and growing benefits, there have also been growing risks for communication and its infrastructure. With these increased risks, governments, businesses and increasingly civilians have sought to better their security in cyberspace.
Understanding how vulnerable women engage the state through participation: Advocating for sex workers’ rights in Cape Town
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Moloto, Ponatshego M.; Piper, Laurence
In recent years, the unequal distribution of citizens’ rights and benefits for women in the sex work industry has become a major political and social issue in South Africa. This mini-thesis argues that women in this industry are differently oppressed according to race and class. This is done through a specific case study of the Sex Workers’ Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT), a non-governmental organization based in Observatory, Cape Town. The thesis explores (i) the perceptions of sex workers on how sex work is commonly understood in gendered, racial and class terms, (ii) how this affects their lives, especially their rights as citizens, and (iii) what they do to address these challenges and to (re)claim their positions in society.
Obstacles to universal voter access? The impact of the 2013 Tlokwe municipal by-elections and related court decisions on voter access in South Africa
(University of Western Cape, 2021) Bassuday, Justin Claude; Africa, Cherrell
This thesis provides an in-depth explorative case study of the relationship between electoral management and civil rights, using the 2013 Tlokwe By-Elections in South Africa as a case study. The central question in this thesis was: what are the implications of the Tlokwe Ruling on South Africa’s electoral democracy? This topic is extremely important to the field of democracy and elections, as electoral processes become ever more essential in allowing citizens to access free and fair elections. Without the ability to access free and fair elections, the power of citizens to hold leaders accountable is diminished. The study used the framework provided by Diamond and Morlino on the quality of democracy because it contains useful normative values of a democracy and assisted in providing a lens by which to view and analyse elections in a democratic regime.
The role of Highly Enriched Uranium in South Africa’s nuclear diplomacy
(University of the Western Cape, 2021) Krelekrele, Thembela; Pretorius, Joelien
Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is one of the most dangerous materials in the world, because it is a key ingredient in making a nuclear bomb. If a terrorist organisation can get HEU, it would be close to making a nuclear bomb. After South Africa disarmed its nuclear weapons, it kept HEU that was extracted from the nuclear bombs. The US tried to persuade South Africa to blend down its HEU into low enriched uranium (LEU) or give it up for safekeeping. However, South Africa refused to give it up. After a breach at Pelindaba, a national key point facility where South Africa stores its HEU, the US intensified its efforts to pressure South Africa to give its HEU up. It even promised incentives to South Africa should they agree to give it up, but South Africa refused. The US used the nuclear terrorism narrative to justify its initiative to eliminate vulnerable materials in the world. However, South Africa is yet to be swayed. This is odd since South Africa's refusal can negatively affect its credentials as a nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament champion and its image as a norm entrepreneur. The objective of the study was to understand the role played by HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. It was to explore HEU as a factor in the state's nuclear diplomacy and to understand the power of having HEU in nuclear negotiations, as well as what SA intends to do with its HEU. The study is framed theoretically by drawing on foreign policy theory, namely middle-power theory, and revisionism. It juxtaposed middle power, reformist, and revisionist positions with status quo foreign policy to analyse the role of HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. As a middle power with a moral high ground, South Africa hoped that it can affect change in the nuclear regime. However, when this did not occur its foreign policy shifted to a revisionist character that is discontent with the status quo in the nuclear regime. SA is dissatisfied with the current nuclear order and wants it revised towards liberal values such as equality and non-discrimination. It views the current nuclear order as nuclear apartheid. Therefore, South Africa uses HEU as leverage against nuclear weapon states in nuclear diplomacy. It is using HEU as an act of defiance against nuclear weapon states (such as the US) that are yet to disarm their nuclear weapons.
The role of Highly Enriched Uranium in South Africa’s nuclear diplomacy
(University of the Western Cape, 2021) Krelekrele, Thembela; Pretorius, Joelien
Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is one of the most dangerous materials in the world, because it is a key ingredient in making a nuclear bomb. If a terrorist organisation can get HEU, it would be close to making a nuclear bomb. After South Africa disarmed its nuclear weapons, it kept HEU that was extracted from the nuclear bombs. The US tried to persuade South Africa to blend down its HEU into low enriched uranium (LEU) or give it up for safekeeping. However, South Africa refused to give it up. After a breach at Pelindaba, a national key point facility where South Africa stores its HEU, the US intensified its efforts to pressure South Africa to give its HEU up. It even promised incentives to South Africa should they agree to give it up, but South Africa refused. The US used the nuclear terrorism narrative to justify its initiative to eliminate vulnerable materials in the world. However, South Africa is yet to be swayed. This is odd since South Africa's refusal can negatively affect its credentials as a nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament champion and its image as a norm entrepreneur. The objective of the study was to understand the role played by HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. It was to explore HEU as a factor in the state's nuclear diplomacy and to understand the power of having HEU in nuclear negotiations, as well as what SA intends to do with its HEU. The study is framed theoretically by drawing on foreign policy theory, namely middle-power theory, and revisionism. It juxtaposed middle power, reformist, and revisionist positions with status quo foreign policy to analyse the role of HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. As a middle power with a moral high ground, South Africa hoped that it can affect change in the nuclear regime. However, when this did not occur its foreign policy shifted to a revisionist character that is discontent with the status quo in the nuclear regime. SA is dissatisfied with the current nuclear order and wants it revised towards liberal values such as equality and nondiscrimination. It views the current nuclear order as nuclear apartheid.
The impact of the colonial legacy on African institutions: A case study of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP)
(University of the Western Cape, 2020) Baba, Awonke; Mngomezulu, Bheki R.
After Independence in Africa, vast institutions were established in order to deal with the legacy of colonialism and to encourage development in the continent. Decades later, some of these institutions are said to be ineffective due to a number of constraints – one of which is the colonial legacy which has rendered them almost dysfunctional. This study assesses the impacts of colonialism on these African institutions and uses the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) as a case study. Guided by Post-colonial theory and Institutional theory, and using Content Analysis (CA) as a tool for data analysis, this study has found that African institutions are operating under the influence of ex-colonial countries. This is evidenced by how these institutions are using European languages as their medium of communication and receive more than half of their funds from international bodies which then control their operations. This contributes to their inability to make decisions due to conflicting interests within the representatives and member states. Based on these findings, this study concludes that the colonial legacy plays a major role in delaying the development of African institutions. Therefore, this study provides recommendations or a way forward by arguing that these institutions which include the AU should tie/tighten the knots on their programmes such as the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) so as to strengthen democracy within member states. They should revive or reconsider constitutions that focus on the penalties for member states that do not pay their membership contribution as agreed and on those member states that fail to obey agreed to protocols. Lastly, this study recommends that fund-raising programmes should be established in selected member states so as to prevent financial dependency on international bodies that weaken African institutions.
Assessing the use of 'new media' as a communication tool by the ANC,DA and EFF in the run up to South Africa's 2019 provincial and national elections.
(University of the Western Cape, 2021) Matika, Simone; Africa, Cherrel
In May 2019, South Africa held its sixth democratic national and provincial elections. 48 political parties participated in this general election compared to the 19 that participated in 2014. Thus, the 2019 elections witnessed a significant broadening of political options that could appeal to the electorate. At the same time mechanisms for political parties to communicate and engage with voters have also evolved. Research has shown that ‘new media’, commonly known as social media (Facebook, Instagram and Twitter for example), have increasingly become part of the political communication methods within electoral democracies. Given this, the study aimed to conduct a deep analysis of the use of Twitter as a communication tool by the African National Congress (ANC), Democratic Alliance (DA) and Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) during the election campaign period of 2019. The study adopted a qualitative method, by having a virtual ethnography approach to collect Twitter feeds. In addition, a Twitter survey was conducted in order to understand how the users received the political campaigns on the platform. The analysis was guided by the theoretical framework of Foot and Schneider (2006) which outlines and discusses four pillars (or functions) of online campaigning namely: “informing, involving, connecting and mobilizing”.
The higher civil service and bureaucracy: A comparative analysis of Great Britain and the' United States
(University of the Western Cape, 1994) Madzivhandila, Lusani T; Pecorella, Robert
This thesis is a comparative study of the higher civil service and bureaucracy of Great Britain and the United States. The study analyzes the political framework of the British and the United States systems of governance, examples of administrative reforms in the two systems, and the impact of education, socialization, recruitment, and civil servants as policy-makers. The methodology used in this study involves longitudinal as well as cross-national comparison. In dealing with differences between Great Britain and the United States, the study concentrates on the antecedent variables (constitution, political framework, cultural and administrative reform), intermediate variables (education, socialization and recruitment procedures), and the dependant variables (status of senior civil servants as policy- makers)In the first part of the study, the constitutional allocations of political power, history and the political system in which the higher civil service and bureaucracy operate are analyzed. The purpose here is to show that the bureaucracy and the civil service do not exist in a vacuum, they are influenced by constitutional, political and cultural constraints. The second part of the thesis deals with the education, socialization and the recruitment of the higher civil servants of Great Britain and the United States. This section points to the disproportionate representation of educated, high-status officials at the top of the political and administrative hierarchy of both countries. In Britain, however, there are social traditions built into the education system. The education and recruitment process concentrates on a general approach. In the United States, on the other hand, the specialist tradition dominates the civil service. Thus, United States higher civil servants are essentially specialists. The third part of the study analyzes the impact of education, socialization and recruitment processes on the role and performance of senior civil servants as policy-makers, in both societies. It is evident that civil servants are involved in the process of policy-making and, therefore, have a political role. This is due to the intricacies of bureaucracy and the fact that civil servants relative permanency, experience and expertise gives them a vast amount of knowledge that is relevant to policy-making. The conclusions suggest that the generalist approach applied in Great Britain hampers the capability of senior civil servants when it comes to negotiating with interest groups involved in policymaking. A specialist approach applied in the United Sates should be followed .
The role of chieftaincy in party politics in Africa: An analysis of the leadership succession systems of the South West Africa people’s organisation (SWAPO) and the Botswana Democratic party (BDP)
(University of Western Cape, 2019) Matongo, Mayanga Agenda; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba R
This research analyses the influence of chieftaincy in party political processes in African states. In this regard, the study employs a case study design in investigating how chieftaincy shapes leadership succession dynamics within the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in Namibia and the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) in Botswana
Political culture and nuclear proliferation: Juche and North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policy
(University of the Western Cape, 2019) Hendricks, Craig Darren; Pretorius, Joelien
North Korea has against the numerous warnings of the international community, protocols and sanctions tested nuclear and missile devices. The purpose of this study is to explain how the political ideology of Juche informs North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme. Using a qualitative analysis, this study analyzed the origin of Juche and its impact on North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policies through the years. The social values underlying Juche were found to be the foundation of North Korea’s nuclear and missile ambitions. Juche itself has evolved as a framework that informs North Korea’s international relations and the study traces this evolution through the different Kim presidencies.
State and civil society: #FeesMustFall movement as a counter- hegemonic force? A case of the University of the Western Cape experience
(University of the Western Cape, 2019) Mandyoli, Lindokuhle; Anciano, Fiona
The #FeesMustFall (#FMF) movement is an important moment in South Africa as it provides insight into the evolution of the relations between state and civil society. An inquiry into the 2015/2016 student protests at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) shows the contradictions that persist in South African society twenty years after apartheid. The study examines the reaction of the state to the dissent embodied by #FMF demands. Drawing on Gramsci and Althusser the study develops a framework against which #FMF is assessed, in order to test whether the movement was counter-hegemonic, if so, to what extent. The assessment is done using a qualitative approach to the research; i.e. auto-ethnography, which relies on the experiences of the author, as a tool of data collection. The selection of this technique is informed by the proximity of the author to the protests, and scarcity of prior research done on the UWC #FMF case. Also, the study uses primary data such as media statements, media articles, YouTube videos, speeches, interviews and personal communications as a means to triangulate the auto-ethnographic data. The data gives insight into the origins of the movement at UWC, the motivations of, and the tactics employed by the leaders. The movement at UWC shuts down the campus, blocks national roads, marches to the airport and even disrupts exams in attempts to see its mission through; a mission of Fee Free Education. Finally, drawing on the framework from Gramsci and Althusser this study notes the persistence of contradictions such as access to higher education in democratic South Africa. It shows the battle for hegemony between the state and civil society and identifies the dominance of the state, and how it deals with those who challenge it. To this end, #FMF does embody some counter-hegemonic quality. However, the study also reveals how #FMF carries out its actions in the boundaries of hegemonic institutions such as the constitution and the university. Hence, the extent of #FMF’s counter-hegemony went as far as affecting the operations of the university and not the structure thereof. As such, #FMF, like other radical civil society agents of its kind, is an example of issue based and temporary counter-hegemony. Although significant, it is not necessarily that which would see the complete overthrow of the university, or the state for that matter.
Human rights discourse and postcolonial Africa: The call for intervention in Darfur
(University of the Western Cape, 2017) Thoba, Athenkosi; Matshanda, Namhla
While they have emerged as global ideals based on the recognition of liberty, dignity and universal rights to 'all individuals' within the global community, human rights have faced numerous criticism and scepticism from the Global South. This research paper argues that such scepticism has had negative impact on the drive for the protection and promotion of human rights and International Human Rights Law in global politics. Given such huge challenges, this research paper points out that, unless the global human rights discourse undergoes significant reform and shift, its Western-centric domination will result into more harm than good in the international community's agenda for human rights protection and promotion. Postcolonial Africa has been at the forefront of the debate on the power-political use of the notion. As such, it has been argued that human rights discourse has influenced relations and policies between the West and the Third World, especially Africa. In this relationship, human rights have been viewed as a strategic tool for powerful states in global politics, to use in their quest to legitimise the case for political change. Furthermore, human rights have also been employed by governments seeking to justify their interference in the domestic affairs of other states, especially the West in the case of postcolonial Africa. It has therefore emerged that the human rights rhetoric/ discourse has been understood by postcolonial Africa as serving to establish a powerful perspective relating to the present and past collective experiences of injustice, exclusion and domination within global politics. Here, the global human rights regimes and Africa seem to be at a crossroads regarding the role of human rights in international politics.
The Role of Faith-Based Organizations (FBOS) in Reducing Crime and Violence in Socio-Economically Disadvantaged Communities: A Case Study of the Community of Bishop Lavis.
(The University of the Western Cape, 2017) Thomas, Angelique; Africa, Cherrel
Out of a personal conviction that having been surrounded by crime and violence for many years was abnormal, this study was born out of a desire for the researcher to understand whether alternative solutions were available that could exist to reduce crime and violence in her own community. While crime rates and violent acts were rising, she considered why the personal religious beliefs of many did not motivate them to consider resisting the violent acts that had so often clashed with their own faith practices. For centuries resisting violence has been a natural reaction across the globe. Historical battles and legendary wars have, for years, been an example of the way in which states have come up against one another and how various organizations have taken up arms in their efforts to restore order. Similarly, gang violence in nations across the world has become a normality. This is no different in South Africa. With the large assemblage of faith communities within South Africa it is necessary to understand what the role of the faith community is in reducing crime and violence in socio-economically disadvantaged communities. By using qualitative methods of observations, interviews and focus group discussions it was found that the main barrier to FBOs fulfilling their partial role of responding to the extreme acts of violence is fear. While they may fulfil their role by responding through general religious activities and responding in voluntary forms in addressing socio-economic issues, FBOs within Bishop Lavis fail to fulfil their role as active agents of change in the face of the violence that is present within the community. This, the researcher then argues, may be some of the very challenges experienced by other FBOs in other areas on the Cape Flats given the responses by the research participants and the common trials and features of the case study in Bishop Lavis.
Public participation, political representation and accountability: the case of violence prevention through urban upgrading (VPUU) in Harare Khayelitsha, in Cape Town
(University of the Western Cape, 2012) Cloete, Jacob; Piper, Laurence
The aim is to deepen the South African democracy at all levels of government. However, as local government is “the closest to the people” it is regarded by government as the most appropriate sphere to implement participatory democracy mechanisms. Pertaining to this, ward committees were introduced as the main participatory vehicle of local governance and in addition, the government has also implemented alternative instruments such as izimbizos and the integrated development planning (IDP) process to engage citizens in local governance.
What causes election-related conflict within democracies :a case study of Lesotho
(University of the Western Cape, 2009) Letsie, Tlohang Willie; Piper, Laurence; Dept. of Political Studies; Faculty of Arts
This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians' desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country's economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

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