Magister Philosophiae - MPhil (Political Studies)

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    Russian interference in the United States (US) presidential election in 2016
    (University of the Western Cape, 2022) Bougaard, Jodie; Pretorius, Joelien
    There is significant evidence that the Russian government interfered in the 2016 United States (US) Presidential election, including through direct attacks against US election infrastructure and internet-based disinformation. Interference in the US election in 2016 represented a particularly sophisticated intrusion due partly to the use of cyber operations as an interference tool. Open-source information provides insight into Russia's interference methods; however, the precise motivation for pursuing interference remains unknown. Russian incentives to interfere in the US Presidential elections in 2016 remain a topic of debate in academia, politics, media and popular culture. Experts in the field of International Relations (IR)
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    Russian interference in the United States (US) Presidential election in 2016
    (University of the Western Cape, 2022) Bougaard, Jodie; Pretorius, Joelien
    There is significant evidence that the Russian government interfered in the 2016 United States (US) Presidential election, including through direct attacks against US election infrastructure and internet-based disinformation. Interference in the US election in 2016 represented a particularly sophisticated intrusion due partly to the use of cyber operations as an interference tool. Open-source information provides insight into Russia's interference methods; however, the precise motivation for pursuing interference remains unknown. Russian incentives to interfere in the US Presidential elections in 2016 remain a topic of debate in academia, politics, media and popular culture.
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    Gentrification: The case of property development in the inner-City of Cape Town
    (University of the Western Cape, 2022) Mvimbi, Thuthuzelekani; Pillay, Surendren
    This research focuses on property developments that are gentrifying the inner-city of Cape Town and questions why and how the City of Cape Town (COCT) is gentrifying the inner-city. This research examines the role of the COCT in property developments that are occurringin Salt River, Woodstock, and Bo-Kaap. The study used the qualitative research method and an exploratory research design. The study is significant because the conceptualization of this dissertation is rooted in political philosophy, and it applied the instrumental state theory to the casestudy. This theory was applied to the case study to unravel urban politics by demonstrating ways in which the state manages the urban centrum through implementing policies that are aimed at creating economic, spatial, and infrastructure developments.
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    Intra-race identity formation in democratic South Africa: An investigation of the “coconut
    (University of Western Cape, 2021) Fumba, Nheo; Hoskins, Jonathan
    Post-apartheid South Africa has strived for change through the implementation of preferential procurement policy legislations such as the Black Economic Empowerment Act, Employment Equality Act, as well as the right to education for all has opened opportunities for many who were previously disadvantage. Being black in apartheid South Africa meant being middle class came with many constant difficulties of negotiating boundaries with community members that were not middle class and spaces that were middle class but white, thus raising several racial dynamics not experienced at ‘home.’ Being black in post-apartheid South Africa has also come with difficulties of constantly evolving social identity changes and categorisation.
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    The role of diplomatic protocol in constructing a foreign policy identity: The case study of South Africa
    (University of Western Cape, 2021) Apollis, Tricia; Pretorius, Joelien
    Diplomatic protocol may come across as entailing red carpets, table settings and dress codes when diplomats come together. However, there is much more to it. This research study explores the role of diplomatic protocol in constructing a foreign policy identity in the case study of South Africa. Protocol, along with the actions and politics of a country, shapes the perception that foreign powers have of a state, in turn impacting on their relations politically, economically and culturally. The study will be focused on diplomatic protocol during the administrations of three South African presidents since 1994: Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma.
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    The post-liberation leadership and governance failures of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa and the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) of Zimbabwe (2017 to 2020)
    (University of Western Cape, 2021) Solani, Asisipho; Mngomezulu, Bheki R.
    The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 marked the first step towards the partition of Africa. After this date, Europeans began to colonize the continent. Colonialism was an economic enterprise which was meant to boost the economy of the colonizers. Both South Africa and Southern Rhodesia (today known as Zimbabwe) were colonised by the British. This study examines the legacy of colonialism in these two countries. It looks at the impact of colonialism on how liberation movements such as the African National Congress (ANC) and the Zimbabwean African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have led their respective countries since independence. The specific purpose of this comparative study is to examine the causal factors that have contributed to the failures of African liberation movements in terms leadership and governance since independence.
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    The impact of the colonial legacy on African institutions: A case study of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP)
    (University of Western Cape, 2020) Baba, Awonke; Mngomezulu, Bheki R.
    After Independence in Africa, vast institutions were established in order to deal with the legacy of colonialism and to encourage development in the continent. Decades later, some of these institutions are said to be ineffective due to a number of constraints – one of which is the colonial legacy which has rendered them almost dysfunctional. This study assesses the impacts of colonialism on these African institutions and uses the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) as a case study. Guided by Post-colonial theory and Institutional theory, and using Content Analysis (CA) as a tool for data analysis, this study has found that African institutions are operating under the influence of ex-colonial countries. This is evidenced by how these institutions are using European languages as their medium of communication and receive more than half of their funds from international bodies which then control their operations. This contributes to their inability to make decisions due to conflicting interests within the representatives and member states.
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    Terrorism and military intervention under the principle of the Responsibility to Protect: The case of Boko Haram.
    (University of Western Cape, 2020) Sibanda, Sehlule; Pretorius, Joelien
    Intervention is a controversial issue in international relations. In recent years, the issue of intervention has been further complicated by the attention given to terrorism following the 9/11 attacks on the United States (US) by the terrorist group under the name of Al Qaeda. In 2005, the United Nations (UN) member states adopted the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle that was coined by the Canadian government to give intervention a multilateral dimension. The R2P principle was established to protect civilians from four atrocity crimes, namely genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. R2P gives the international community authority to intervene in situations where states are failing to protect their citizens from the aforementioned atrocity crimes.
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    The state capture of independent institutions: an analysis of the National Prosecuting Authority, 1998-2017
    (The University of the Western Cpae, 2018) Pypers, Elaine; Anciano, Fiona
    This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.
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    The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty : a comparison of realist, liberal and constructivist views
    (University of the Western Cape, 2012) Petersen, Bradley Craig; Pretorius, Joelien
    The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was negotiated to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons, resulting from the dangers associated with the use of these weapons well visible during 1945, in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and a nuclear arms race as seen during the Cuban Missile Crisis. During NPT Review Conferences, held every five years, the strength and integrity of this treaty is tested. Evident in NPT review conferences is the disagreement between nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states over the role and importance placed on nuclear weapons and the slow pace of nuclear disarmament. The NPT has been in force for over 40 years; however the threat of nuclear weapons still exists. It then becomes necessary to understand what role the NPT plays in the international system, which differs depending on the theoretical lens used to interpret the NPT. A realist perspective of the NPT reveals that this treaty is an instrument used by dominant states to safeguard and legitimise their hold over nuclear weapons, while denying other states access to these weapons, instead protecting their allies through extended nuclear deterrence. A liberal perspective of the NPT highlights the moral influence of this treaty as an instrument for the benefit of the greater good, to shield humanity from the dangers of a nuclear explosion by delegitimizing nuclear weapons, key to shaping the perceptions of the decision makers of states regarding state security and nuclear weapons particularly. A constructivist interpretation of the NPT argues that this treaty is a social construction by states to impose a measure of order in their relations. At particular times in history, the NPT moves between a realist and liberal interpretation based on critical events that inform its direction. Social agents (decision makers of the state) through their thinking and ideas construct and give meaning to “reality” which is constantly negotiated. With that in mind, no interpretation of the NPT is fixed and for that reason, a constructivist conclusion seems ultimately applicable, namely that the NPT is what states make of it.
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    Understanding the internal dynamics and organisation of Spaza shop operators
    (University of the Western Cape, 2013) Liedeman, Rory; Piper, Laurence
    This thesis presents a study of spaza shop businesses in the Delft South township, Cape Town, South Africa. The major goal is to establish whether the advent of foreign run spaza businesses is due to a particular ‘entrepreneurial’ business model underwritten by relatively strong social networks. The study focuses primarily on South African and Somali owned spaza shops as previous research indicates that these are the two major groups of spaza operators in the area. The thesis centres on three core research questions: 1) is there a shift in spaza ownership from South African to Somali shopkeepers in Delft? 2) What are the different spaza business models in operation? 3) What is the significance of social networks or relationships to the success of these business models? The core findings confirm that a major shift has occurred in market share between South African and foreign owned spazas in Delft, with ownership now favouring Somali businessmen, even within the last year. The research shows that this change in ownership is a direct result of the emergence and use of a new, and more sophisticated, ‘entrepreneurial’ business model employed by foreign spaza operators, compared to the more ‘survivalist’ model used by South Africans. This business model is primarily based upon being price competitive and is made possible through collective procurement and distribution. However, an important factor in this success lies in the differential social networks that South African and Somali spaza owners can access to support their business practices in Delft South. Using an anthropologically influenced in-depth ethnographic case study approach, the research operationalises the concept of ‘business models’ by exploring the establishment process (ownership, labour and employment), capital investment, stock procurement, business operation and mobile distribution to spaza shops. The study demonstrates how the socially richer and clan-based social networks of Somali shopkeepers enable a more entrepreneurial business model, whereas South Africans rely on a network limited to the immediate family and approach the spaza business as a supplementary livelihoods strategy. In addition to deepening our understanding of competing business models and the social networks that underwrite them, this research also provides new insights into the significance of spatiality to the spaza economy through the concepts of ‘strongholds’ and ‘neighbourhood economies’; previously unseen forms of spaza related business, principally around the mobile distribution of spaza stock to retailers in Delft South; and the instrumental use of both formality and informality by foreign business people.
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    Dynamics of social reproduction and differentiation among small-scale sugarcane farmers in two rural wards of Kwazulu-Natal
    (University of the Western Cape, 2013) Dubb, Alexander; Cousins, B.
    Dynamics of Social Reproduction and Differentiation among Small-Scale Sugarcane Farmers in Two Rural Wards of KwaZulu-Natal A. Dubb M.Phil thesis, Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape. Outgrower or contract-farming schemes have long been considered an important „pro-poor‟ method of incorporating small-scale farmers into agro-commodity chains, oft defined by their capital intensity and consequent high barriers of entry. Nonetheless, critics have observed that such schemes often operate under highly imbalanced relations of power between farmers and processors, generate substantial inequality, and negatively impact on household food security. In the province of KwaZulu-Natal, home to much of South Africa‟s sugar industry, the number of small-scale sugarcane outgrowers increased rapidly from near nothing in the late 1960s to around 50,000 in the early 2000s; an increase born out of industry-subsidized miller initiatives, disguised as micro-credit, to bring commercially inalienable Bantustan land under cane production. However, in the past decade small-scale sugarcane growers have faced a precipitous decline following the restructuring of the sugar industry in the 1990s and the onset of drought in the 2000s. This study seeks to trace the origins and shifting structural foundations of small-scale sugarcane production and investigate its impacts on dynamics of social reproduction and accumulation in two rural wards of the Umfolozi region, in the wake of the sale of the central mill by the multinational corporation Illovo to a consortium of largescale white sugarcane growers. Utilizing survey data from 74 small-scale grower homesteads and life-history interviews, it is argued that regulatory restructuring resulted in deteriorating terms of exchange and the retraction of miller oversight in production, cane-haulage and ploughing operations, hence devolved to commercially unstable local contractors. Growers have subsequently struggled to compensate for consequent capital inefficiencies through intensified exploitation, largely due to the successful impact of social grants in mitigating the desperation of family and hired labour, and further face considerable barriers to expansion in land. While proceeds from sugarcane continue to represent an additional source of coveted cash-income, sparse off-farm income opportunities have gained prominence as a basis for stabilizing consumption and some re-investment in cane. The centrality of incomediversification for simple reproduction and limited accumulation has rendered the dynamics of social differentiation to be both unstable and reversible, and has closely tied sustained cane production to the labour content of non-cane income sources. Meanwhile, with less direct oversight in production, millers face the challenge of retaining their implicit „grab‟ on customary land, throwing into relief the contradictions inherent in attempts „from above‟ to foster a nominal „peasant‟ class „from below‟.
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    Implementing the New Parnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD): a study of the Economic and Corporate Governance Initiative (ECGI)
    (University of the Western Cape, 2009) Carolissen, Monita; Pretorius, Joelien; Dept. of Political Studies; Faculty of Arts
    In this mini-thesis, I explore the New Partnership for Africa's Development's (NEPAD) Economic and Corporate Governance Initiative (ECGI). I argue that although this initiative is not the only means to, nor the end of determining whether the NEPAD is being implemented, the ECGI can be used as a good indicator of whether one important dimension of the NEPAD is implemented. I establish whether, through an analysis of the ECGI, that dimension of the NEPAD is being implemented by looking at the countries where the ECGI was implemented. I maintain the position that through the NEPAD, good governance in African countries is promoted and that is why the authors of the NEPAD document created the ECGI.