Department of Political Studies

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The higher civil service and bureaucracy: A comparative analysis of Great Britain and the' United States
(University of the Western Cape, 1994) Madzivhandila, Lusani T; Pecorella, Robert
This thesis is a comparative study of the higher civil service and bureaucracy of Great Britain and the United States. The study analyzes the political framework of the British and the United States systems of governance, examples of administrative reforms in the two systems, and the impact of education, socialization, recruitment, and civil servants as policy-makers. The methodology used in this study involves longitudinal as well as cross-national comparison. In dealing with differences between Great Britain and the United States, the study concentrates on the antecedent variables (constitution, political framework, cultural and administrative reform), intermediate variables (education, socialization and recruitment procedures), and the dependant variables (status of senior civil servants as policy- makers)In the first part of the study, the constitutional allocations of political power, history and the political system in which the higher civil service and bureaucracy operate are analyzed. The purpose here is to show that the bureaucracy and the civil service do not exist in a vacuum, they are influenced by constitutional, political and cultural constraints. The second part of the thesis deals with the education, socialization and the recruitment of the higher civil servants of Great Britain and the United States. This section points to the disproportionate representation of educated, high-status officials at the top of the political and administrative hierarchy of both countries. In Britain, however, there are social traditions built into the education system. The education and recruitment process concentrates on a general approach. In the United States, on the other hand, the specialist tradition dominates the civil service. Thus, United States higher civil servants are essentially specialists. The third part of the study analyzes the impact of education, socialization and recruitment processes on the role and performance of senior civil servants as policy-makers, in both societies. It is evident that civil servants are involved in the process of policy-making and, therefore, have a political role. This is due to the intricacies of bureaucracy and the fact that civil servants relative permanency, experience and expertise gives them a vast amount of knowledge that is relevant to policy-making. The conclusions suggest that the generalist approach applied in Great Britain hampers the capability of senior civil servants when it comes to negotiating with interest groups involved in policymaking. A specialist approach applied in the United Sates should be followed .
Postmodernism and the reclaiming of tradition
(Berghahn books, 1998) Piper, Laurence
The history of the Zulu people is the history of myself'.1 In Africa, as elsewhere, the notion of tradition is bound up with the discourses of ethnicity and nationalism. Typically invoking pre-colonial identi- ties as the basis of peoplehood, such narratives of common descent are imbued with a strong sense of 'pastness', orientating the modern self in traditional terms. Anderson explains this invocation of tradition as a feature of the inverted nature of ethnic narratives of common descent.2 More common are accounts which focus on the ioss of meaning' brought about by modernisation and the psychic security offered by an idealised past. Recent theories look to supplant this sense of tradition as reaction with a sense of tradition as creation. One example is Lonsdale's argument that the affirmation of ethnicity in post-colonial Africa, with its associated invention of tradition, must be seen in the context of internal debates over civic virtue as pre-colo- nial moral economies are re-structured by the state and capitalism.
Postmodernism and the reclaiming of tradition
(Berghahn Books, 1998) Piper, Laurence
‘The history of the Zulu people is the history of myself’.1 In Africa, as elsewhere, the notion of tradition is bound up with the discourses of ethnicity and nationalism. Typically invoking pre-colonial identities as the basis of peoplehood, such narratives of common descent are imbued with a strong sense of ‘pastness’, orientating the modern self in traditional terms. Anderson explains this invocation of tradition as a feature of the inverted nature of ethnic narratives of common descent.2 More common are accounts which focus on the ‘loss of meaning’ brought about by modernisation and the psychic security offered by an idealised past.
The decline of ‘militant Zulu nationalism’: IFP politics after 1994
(Taylor & Francis, 1998) Piper, Laurence; Hampton, Kerri
Abstract This article argues that since 1994, but especially since 1996, the IFP has progressively moved away from the Zulu nationalist rhetoric and confrontational tactics of the transition period which we term the ‘militant Zulu nationalist’ strategy. The reasons for this are not to be found in changed political objectives, for instance the IFP remains committed to provincial autonomy, but rather in changed political and institutional conditions. First, with the completion of the KwaZulu‐Natal constitution‐making processin 1996, the issues of the transition which divided the IFP from the ANC, namely the form of state and process towards it, have been settled. Second, new political developments such as the ‘defection’ of the Zulu King, and new institutional conditions such as a stake in democracy and the return of law and order, have made the strategy of ‘militant Zulu nationalism’ redundant, even counter‐productive.
Judgement and choice in the 1999 South African election
(Taylor & Francis, 1999) Mattes, Robert; Taylor, Helen; Africa, Cherrel
In this article, we set out the basic points of the theoretical framework of voter choice that underlie the Opinion '99 research project. In contrast to prevailing theories that have characterized voter choice in South Africa as an ethnic or racial census, this approach emphasizes the role of how voters learn about government performance and the alternatives offered by opposition parties. We then deduce a very simplified model that consciously excludes all 'structural' variables and includes only measures of voter evaluations of government performance and views of political parties and candidates. We use discriminant analysis (DA) to predict the partisan preferences of respondents from a nationally representative September 1998 survey with these measures. We find that the partisan choices of a very large majority of South Africans can be correctly predicted with this model.
Democracy for a bargain: The 1999 election in KwaZulu‐Natal
(Taylor & Francis, 1999) Piper, Laurence
While the IFP/ANC race for first place in KwaZulu-Natal was the closest of any in the country, the 1999 election was both freer and fairer than ever before, and the result was readily accepted by all parties. In short, the 1999 election further consolidated both the institutions and culture of liberal democracy. Importantly, this consolidation was predicated in an understanding reached between the IFP and ANC that, whatever the outcome of the election, they would co-operate in government at both national level and in KwaZuluNatal. In so doing, the stakes of the election were lowered, making a free and fair election not just more affordable but also desirable so as to legitimate future governance. This deal is further confirmation of the trend in KwaZulu-Natal politics away from the ethnically couched confrontational styles of the transition years towards a more ideologically inclusive and co-operative politics. This trend, along with the basic patterns of party affiliation, suggest that KwaZuluNatal is no more unique politically than any other province in South Africa.
Rethinking multiculturalism: Cultural diversity and political theory
(SAGE, 2001) Piper, Laurence
Bhikhu Parekh’s voice has always been a distinctive one in the growing chorus of political theorists who talk about the challenge of cultural diversity. His perspective is not easy to classify. He criticizes liberal, communitarian or neorepublican theories and yet combines their core ideas in his own approach. Some readers of Rethinking Multiculturalism may feel that his outlook is too ecumenical. Parekh defends not only cultural, but also doctrinal diversity and this can occasionally be frustrating for critics who expect a political theory to provide a straightforward path from first principles to the resolution of hard cases. Yet Parekh’s book is not at all eclectic. There is an underlying concern that organizes the text and gives it a distinctive edge. In my reading this is the idea that cultural diversity is an intrinsic value
Do I need ethnic culture to be free? A critique of Will Kymlicka's liberal nationalism
(AJOL, 2002) Piper, Laurence
As part of a vigorous debate about the politics of multiculturalism, Will Kymlicka has sought to find grounds within liberal political theory to defend rights for cultural groups. Kymlicka argues that the individual's ability to choose the good life necessarily takes place in a cultural context such that access to one's ethnic or national culture constitutes a condition of autonomy. Thus, in liberal societies where the culture of minority ethnic groups or nations is under threat, these groups should enjoy certain special rights so as to up hold the autonomy of their individual members. However, Kymlicka's ‘liberal nationalist' argument relies on a problematic isomorphism between culture and identity. Very simply, I shall argue that an individual's culture is not necessarily given by their membership of an ethnic group or nation, thus breaking the link between individual autonomy and rights for ethnic groups or nations.
Ethics and international security in the information age
(Taylor & Francis, 2003) Pretorius, Joelien
According to Moore’s Law, every 18 months technology is developed reducing electronic systems to half their previous size.1 The resultant impact upon the field of information and communication has been revolutionary and can be framed in terms of three orders of manifestation. The first order manifestation of the information revolution is technological and refers to the unprecedently cheap, fast and user-friendly information devices that have been developed in the past two to three decades. Digitization, miniaturization and conversion of different media into each other have been the impetus for a worldwide communications infrastructure – the apex of which is the Internet. The first order (or technological) implications of the information revolution have, in the second order, impacted on social, political and economic activities allowing for the almost instant mobility of capital, the proliferation of multinational corporations, the global reach of news media coverage, and cross-border mobilization of individuals and interest groups. The behavioral implications of the information revolution, in the third order, raise questions of a structural nature about the validity of the nation-state, the expression of identity and the organization of the international community. This article aims to tease out the ethical implications of the technological, behavioral and structural dimensions of the information revolution and in turn international security in two ways. First, the impact of information technology (IT) on contemporary ethical issues in the pursuit of international security, for example weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and redistributive justice and human rights, are explored. Second, IT also introduces a whole new set of ethical questions to international security issues. These questions are most often related to the causes and conduct of war, personal privacy in opposition to state security, and information inequality.
Nationalism without a nation: The rise and fall of Zulu nationalism in South Africa's transition to democracy, 1975-99
(WILEY, 2003) Piper, Laurence
During South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy the most virulent opposition to change came from Zulu nationalism. Post‐apartheid, however, Zulu nationalism has largely waned. This is because Zulu nationalism was instrumentally invoked and jettisoned by the Inkatha Freedom Party. Beginning in 1975, Inkatha embraced a ‘third way’ resistance politics between ‘acquiescence’ in apartheid and ‘impossible’ militant resistance. It was only later that Inkatha turned to Zuluness when it was out‐competed by the ANC and allies, first over the leadership of resistance politics and secondly during the transition. After 1994 the inclusion of the IFP in democratic government made old strategies redundant and thus it abandoned Zulu nationalism. Moreover, while a widespread sense of Zuluness exists, the meanings attached to it vary to the extent that the Zulu nation cannot exist. Thus the Zulu nationalism of the transition was an elite‐driven political nationalism prosecuted without a popularly imagined Zulu nation.
Return to the organic: Onions, artichokes and 'the debate' on the nation and modernity
(Berghahn Books, 2004) Piper, Laurence
There exist in intellectual history periods where, following intense deliberation on a question, something like a consensus emerges. Typically the consensus amounts to a refinement of the competing views on the question rather than some final resolution. These refined views are then presented as the official ‘debate’ on the question, and faithfully reproduced in university courses world-wide. Something of this sort has happened with theories of nationalism, or to be more accurate, with theories of the modernity of the nation. Indeed, the issue of the modernity of the nation looms large in the Smith, Özkrimili and Guibernau & Hutchinson texts.
The election result and its implications for political party configuration
(Sabinet, 2004) Piper, Laurence
As a competition for both popular support and political office, Election 2004 deepened the dominant-party system in South Africa. In terms of support, the African National Congress (ANC) did better than ever. Indeed, its leadership seemed more concerned about internal left-wing politics than about rival parties. Conversely, with the partial exception of the Democratic Alliance (DA), opposition parties did worse, and appear stuck in a zero-sum competition amongst themselves. In terms of office, ANC popularity meant greater national power and, for the first time, control of all provinces. Further, Election 2004 revealed that the more the ANC cooperates with its alliance partners the better it does at the polls, and the more influence the Congress Of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu)/South African Communist Party (SACP) have over policy. For opposition parties this dynamic is reversed. Those parties which co-operated with the ANC to get office lost popular support, while those which eschewed office did better at the polls. In sum, while popularity and office are mutually reinforcing for the alliance, they constitute a dilemma for opposition parties. Finally, while there are signs that broader social change will pose some class-related problems for the ANC, more profound racial obstacles await opposition parties.
From exclusion to informal segregation: The limits to racial transformation at the University of Natal
(Taylor & Francis, 2004) Piper, Laurence; Durrheim, Kevin; Trotter, Kirsty
In the context of higher education transformation in South Africa, this paper attempts to capture a series of observations about transformation at the forme r University ofNatal. From a descriptive, multidisciplinary perspective it critiques racial transformation at the University as driven by concerns of representivity over the need for desegregation. We base this discussion on three sets of observations: an analysis of institutional policy, a review of demographic change in the staff and student bodies and a study ofstudents ' lived experiences of segregation on campus. During the past decade a great deal ofchange has occurred in the overall racial demographics of the student and staff bodies. While demographic transformation efforts at the University do echo national trends, a closer inspection ofthe policy, practice and lived experience oftransformation at the University reveals that all is not well. In particular, institutional policy with respect to transformation has tended to be reactive and superficial and students experience camp us as a segregated and racialized space. Thus, racial transformation at the University has only been partially successful: while overt racist exclusion is withering, informal segregation and attendant racialization remain.
The Inkatha Freedom Party: Between the Impossible and the Ineffective.
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2005) Piper, Laurence
From the perspective of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the 2004 election was remarkable in two ways. First, the IFP fared worse than ever. Formed by Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi in 1975, the party is rooted in rural Zulu people of the KwaZulu-Natal province. During the apartheid era, the IFP virtually was the KwaZulu government. After 1994, it was the leading party in the province, and a governing partner of the African National Congress (ANC) at the national level. The 2004 election saw the IFP lose its thirty years of dominance in KwaZulu-Natal to the ANC, and with it, the party’s stake in national government.
Revolution in military affairs, missile defence and weapons in space: The US strategic triad
(Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University, 2005) Pretorius, Joelien
American plans for Missile Defence (MD) and the weaponisation of space should be analysed in the larger framework of the contemporary Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA).1 Soviet military analysts have written about this revolution from as early as the 1970s, but it was the application of information age technology (IT) in the 1991 Gulf War that captured the imagination of military planners and policy makers, especially in the US. The US is actively pursuing an RMA, conceptualised as integrating new IT into weapons systems and integrated command, control, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (C4ISR) and, in turn, doctrinal, operational and organisational change in the military to take advantage of information dominance on the battlefield. This relates to MD and the weaponisation of space in two ways. Firstly, very few countries have the financial and technological capability to modernise their defence forces along the lines of a US-defined RMA, which means that they may resort to so-called asymmetric means to exploit the vulnerabilities or weaknesses of a strong, conventional power. Ballistic missiles (in association with chemical, biological or nuclear payloads) are one of the asymmetrical threats most commonly cited in speeches and military documents of the US and used as justification of MD. Secondly, the RMA increases the US military’s reliance on space-based military assets for C4ISR. Placing weapons in space to protect these assets is seen as a logical step to ensure a key aspect of US dominance on the battlefield. This paper explores the extent to which the strategic framework of the RMA has a bearing on US MD and space weaponisation arguments.
Skills at masters’ level in Geography Higher E: Teaching, learning and applying
(Taylor & Francis, 2006) Anciano, Fiona; Mistry, Jayalaxshmi; Berardi, Andrea
The perceptions of ‘skills’ at taught Master's level between course directors (teaching of skills), alumni (learning and use of skills) and employers (the skills requirements) were compared within the field of development and environment studies. The findings underline some of the commonalities and discrepancies between what is taught, what is learnt and what is required in terms of skills. The results are discussed in relation to the growing diversity of students doing Master's courses, what constitutes Master's level, benchmark standards and employability. Furthermore, in light of the growing numbers of taught Master's courses, the paper also highlights the lack of pedagogic literature on taught postgraduate level teaching and learning, a need to improve benchmark standards for the teaching of skills at Master's level and support for staff development programmes.
US foreign policy toward Southern Africa - 1975 to 1990: the case of the Namibian Independence struggle
(University of the Western Cape, 2007) Diamonds, Herman Pule; Gottschalk, Keith; Dept. of Political Studies; Faculty of Economics and Management Sciences
This study, in contrast to contemporary held views relating to the US policy premises, aimed to look at the inherent disabilities and inconsistencies of the policies of successive Washington administrations. More so, it investigated the US interventionist strategies to perceived threats from communist regimes and their allies, especially in Southern Africa. To be able to embark on such an investigation, Namibia and the Soviet-Cuban involvement in Southern Africa were selected as a special focus of this study.
The emergent practice of governance and its implications for the concept of politics
(AJOL, 2007) Piper, Laurence
This paper explores the implications of the disjuncture between the real-world practice of governance and the popular understanding of politics. There are two ways of addressing this disjuncture. The first is to accept the popular conception of politics and declare its relative decline, alongside the state, in the face of supra-national governance. The second is to challenge the popular conception of politics and include governance in a new, broader definition. From the view that empirical social scientific concepts are judged in terms of their utility, both to everyday discourse and to philosophical and theoretical discourses, a case is made for the second option.
Sector policing to improve community policing in South Africa
(2008) Smith, Donovan; Hohls, O.
The study introduces and puts forward Sector Policing as a model to expand Community Policing and to broaden the scope of crime prevention. It also demonstrates how Sector Policing can be utilised to decentralise policing and deepen community participation.
The role of institutions in state-private sector interaction: the case of the management contract for water and wastewater services in the Amman Governorate, Jordan
(2008) Steiner, Sylvia Marlene; Bardill, John
This research investigates the performance of private sector participation (PSP) in the water sector from a governance perspective. It is concerned with the role that institutions play in the interaction between the state and the private sector, which occurs with respect to the regulation and implementation of such PSP arrangements. The research takes place within the context of a development debate and practice, which identifies water as a key poverty issue in a substantial part of the developing countries, which advocates private sector participation as a remedy to inadequate water management and which acknowledges good governance as a crucial requirement for development. Nevertheless, few studies have scrutinized the impact of governance and institutions on the outcome of PSP arrangements in the water sector. Most research on the performance of PSP arrangements has examined exogenous and endogenous determinants, such as the price mechanism and the property rights allocation, but these factors proved unsatisfactory as explaining variables in the context of natural resource management. To contribute to filling a gap in research this study aims at evaluating the impact of institutional frameworks on the outcome of private sector participation in water supply and sanitation through a case study of the Management Contract for Water and Wastewater Service in the Amman Governorate, Jordan. At the end of the 1990s the quality of water supply and sanitation in the Jordanian capital Amman was unsatisfactory, as supply was insufficient and entailed high costs. Therefore, in 1999, the government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan contracted a private joint venture to improve water service provision in the Amman Governorate. The research takes into account the specific institutional framework for the mentioned arrangement in Amman, which is comprised of the national judicial and political institutions, the specific regulatory institutions as well as relevant international institutions. These institutions are not limited to laws and regulations only, but also include informal institutions such as traditions. The specific objective of this study is to show how the institutional framework of a transaction affects regulatory processes by abating and amplifying the potential for opportunistic behavior of the contracting parties, and thereby affecting the performance of a privately operated water utility. The examination of the institutional framework of the Amman Management Contract revealed that mainly judicial and international institutions and specific contract rules were constraining the discretion of the contracting parties. Political checks and balances were insufficiently established and the regulatory institutions of the water sector were set up in an improper way. The field study discovered that the resulting discretionary power of certain actor was used opportunistically, which had a detrimental effect on the outcome of the PSP arrangement. Nevertheless the overall performance of the arrangement was good from which the general insight was drawn that regulatory credibility may be developed even in unpropitious environments. However, to be able to judge upon the effect of governance and institutions on a planned or existing PSP arrangement each time a complex assessment of the respective institutional environment is necessary. This is because institutions may not be seen as independent building blocks but rather form a network which is likely to be unique for each country and situation. The mini-thesis is organized as follows. In Chapter 1 an outline of the study and its problem background is provided. Chapter 2 provides a detailed literature review and sets out the theoretical framework and research hypotheses of the study. Chapter 3 outlines the research design and methodology that was used for the study. Chapter 4 provides background detail on the Jordanian political, economic and social situation, on the issues pertaining to the water sector, andon the Amman water contract. Chapter 5 provides a description and analysis of the main research findings. Chapter 6 provides a summary as well as final conclusions and considerations.

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