Browsing by Author "Muchadenyika, Davison"

Now showing 1 - 8 of 8
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    Contestation, confusion and change: urban governance and service delivery in Zimbabwe (2000-2012)
    (University of the Western Cape, 2014) Muchadenyika, Davison; Williams, John J.
    This study investigates how political dynamics impacted on service delivery in urban areas of Zimbabwe in general and, SPECIFICALLY, in the cities of Harare, Bulawayo, Masvingo and Mutare. The problematic of urban governance in these cities has been marked by contestation, confusion and change for a range of reason which would seem to be associated with issues of planning and management of urban areas, infrastructure such as provision and maintenance of roads, housing, public transport and water and sanitation. Consequently, these urban governance contestations almost led to the collapse of most if not all, urban functions and services in the aforementioned urban areas. That Zimbabwe is suffering from a crisis of governance and public service delivery for decades is not in doubt. In this thesis, I argue that whilst much attention has been given to state governance, it is at the local governance level where the impacts of the crisis are more severe. Why at the local governance level? Local government is mandated to deliver directly or indirectly key human development services to citizens. Inevitably, urban governance is an important determinant of urban services delivery. Urban governance takes place within a wider governance and political context. Post-independent urban Zimbabwe was dominated by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) until the turn of the millennium. When the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) began dominating urban local authorities, urban governance signaled an era marked by contestation, confusion and change. Subsequent urban governance political dynamics had profound impacts on service delivery.
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    Land for housing: A political resource – reflections from Zimbabwe’s urban areas
    (Routledge, 2015) Muchadenyika, Davison
    When the Zimbabwean government launched the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) in 1999, an international outcry followed, with Zimbabwe described as an international pariah state. Zimbabwe entered a prolonged socio-economic and political crisis. While conventional opposition attacks the FTLRP for its negative impacts on agriculture, food security and economic growth, this article argues that the programme has also had widespread impacts on access to housing land. Over the years, the main political tool used by the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU[PF]) was land, especially in rural areas. Later, especially in urban and peri-urban areas, ZANU(PF) used peri-urban farms to bolster its waning support in the urban constituencies. Through ZANU(PF)-aligned co-operatives and land barons, the party became a major player in deciding who had access to land for housing. On the other hand, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) tried to use its majority control of urban areas to give its supporters land for housing, albeit with limited success. MDC-controlled urban administrations were incapacitated, as most urban land was under a de facto ZANU(PF) administration. This article focuses in particular on the allocation of housing land between 2000 and 2012 in Zimbabwe’s major cities. The ZANU(PF) approach to housing bypassed urban planning regulations, with catastrophic effects on urban infrastructure planning.
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    Multi-donor trust funds and fragile states: assessing the aid effectiveness of the Zimbabwe multi-donor trust fund
    (Wiley, 2016) Muchadenyika, Davison
    It is widely acknowledged that multi-donor trust funds (MDTFs) contribute to aid effectiveness. This paper challenges this assertion through assessing the aid effectiveness of the Zimbabwe Multi-Donor Trust Fund. The paper makes four key arguments. First, political relations between recipient and donor countries are vital in the functioning of MDTFs. Second, the design of MDTFs affects the delivery and functioning of the trust fund. Third, whilst the legitimacy of national governments in fragile states is often contested, targeting legitimate and credible institutions can offer tangible and life changing results. Fourth, MDTFs focusing on the recovery of key sectors such as water, sanitation and energy have direct impacts to economic recovery and people’s lives.
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    Policy, politics and leadership in slum upgrading: A comparative analysis ofHarare and Kampala
    (Elsevier, 2018) Muchadenyika, Davison; Waiswa, Jeremy
    Slum upgrading is one of the preferred options in dealing with ubiquitous informality in cities across the world.Drawing on experiences in two African cities namely Harare and Kampala; the article focuses on the role ofpolicy, politics and leadership in slum upgrading. This paper is based on interviews conducted with urbanleaders and managers, politicians, slum dwellers federation members and government officials. With regards toslum upgrading, the paper makes three arguments. First, policies guiding upgrading should evolve graduallyover time, taking into consideration lessons learned. Second, tensions in party-politics tend to undermine slumupgrading programmes. This is mainly because of the vulnerability of informal settlers who are often used assources and resources for political agency. Third, leadership at the city level plays a fundamental role in diffusingparty-politics and championing inclusive municipal governance, and development.
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    Politics and the practice of planning: the case of Zimbabwean cities
    (Elsevier, 2016) Muchadenyika, Davison; Williams, John J.
    Planning is intrinsically a political process. This paper explores how the practice and profession of planning has been affected by politics. Available evidence in Zimbabwe shows that planning is problematized by unsettled national and local politics. However, contested politics can distort the intentions of a sound planning system through advancing political interests of politicians, the ruling elite. Interviews with political actors and planners allow an understanding of how politics has virtually eroded, if not eliminated, a sound planning system. This paper illustrates three dimensions of the relationship between politics and planning. First, the political contestation between the ruling and opposition party has severely undermined planning and its contribution towards co- ordinated development in cities. Second, planners often succumb to the politics of patronage at the expense of urban residents and town planning principles. Third, the integrity and credibility of planning is seemingly under constant threat from political actors.
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    Politics, centralisation and service delivery in urban Zimbabwe
    (Taylor & Francis, 2018) Muchadenyika, Davison; Williams, John J.
    The politics of urban control has revolved around centralisation since independence in 1980. However, such politics became more pronounced after 2000 owing to the rise of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as the main governing party in urban areas. Political tensions and contradictions ensued between central government, under the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU[PF]), and local authorities, under the MDC, over the control and administration of urban areas. Based on 30 interviews, the article explains how central government and, by extension, ZANU(PF) attempted to regain control of urban areas through centralisation of water and vehicle licensing functions. This practice, however, contravenes existing laws. Hitherto, scholarship has attributed centralisation by the government to a strategy to defuse the opposition rule in cities. This article extends reasons for centralisation to include ZANU(PF)’s strong ideological belief in centralisation, access to resources in a failing economy and maintaining a firm grip on power. In particular, the article focuses on how urban politics is manifested in the transfer of water and sanitation and vehicle licensing functions from local authorities to government-run entities. It is also evident that the prioritisation of survival politics neglects key service delivery in urban centres. In the absence of a functionally devolved system of governance, this casts doubt on the feasibility and success of opposition political parties in governing African cities.
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    Slum upgrading and inclusive municipal governance in Harare,Zimbabwe: New perspectives for the urban poor
    (Elsevier, 2015) Muchadenyika, Davison
    The story of the urban poor in Harare and Zimbabwean cities in general is a story of evictions, fear andmisery. In May 2005, at the behest of the Government of Zimbabwe the infamous Operation RestoreOrder, a house demolition campaign left more than 700 thousand people homeless. Nearly a decade later,there are increased opportunities for improvement and change in the lives of the urban poor in Harare,Zimbabwe's capital city. The purpose of the paper is to present how the Harare Slum Upgrading Pro-gramme is creating and strengthening municipal and community partnerships to tackle city challengesin an inclusive manner. This research indicates the housing struggles of the urban poor and the emergingCity-community engagement in urban services provision (water, sanitation, tenure security and roads)and changing municipal attitudes towards the urban poor. In particular, the article presents participatoryurban planning and development, slum upgrading institutional structure, profiling and enumeration, andslum upgrading impacts (resilience of the urban poor, living in slums without fear, expansive pool ofbeneficiaries, review of planning regulations and land ownership) as major issues promoting inclusivemunicipal governance. Inclusivity is implemented through incremental development, which is allowingpeople to settle on landfirst and access municipal services gradually over time. Two main factors explainsuch positive steps towards inclusive governance in Harare. First are indications of gradual institutionalchange in which the City of Harare's governance culture is changing through‘opening up’and embracingthe urban poor. Second, over the years, the urban poor have built a strong and vibrant alliance which isacting as a medium of participation in City governance. The paper concludes that slum upgrading sus-tainability at city-wide level requires active City participation and institutionalisation as opposed to aproject based approach. Lastly, addressing concerns of the urban poor is susceptible to political con-testations, requiring strong impartiality to counter such forces.
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    Social movements and planning institutions in urban transformation : housing in metropolitan Harare, Zimbabwe (2000-2015)
    (University of the Western Cape, 2017) Muchadenyika, Davison; Williams, John J
    This thesis examines the interaction between social movements and planning institutions in the delivery of low-income housing in metropolitan Harare. Post-2000, the problem of housing in Zimbabwe has been characterised by the weak technical and financial capacity of local authorities and central government to deliver low-income housing and social movements challenging conventional housing delivery approaches and promoting alternatives. Between 2000 and 2015, the largest share of low-income housing was provided by housing movements. This study employs transformative theory (Friedmann, 2011) to explain how societies, especially marginalised people, organise alternative services pertinent to their lifestyles. The thesis draws on 95 key informant interviews, 14 focus group discussions (with 120 members of housing movements), and enumeration survey data (covering 6,636 households). It uses extensive material from document analysis (council resolutions, council committee reports, departmental annual reports, co-operative audits and reports, and government investigation reports). This study uses purposive sampling in which defined criteria were used to select housing movements. The study suggests that there has been urban transformation in metropolitan Harare. As argued in this thesis, urban transformation is evidenced by changes in the urban fabric (for instance, through new housing and infrastructure services for the predominantly poor population), reconfiguration of power (with the urban poor playing a vital role in urban development) and the adoption by planning institutions of grassroots-centred planning and housing delivery approaches. This transformation seems to be the result of four factors. First, the sudden increase in social movements involved in the ‘formal and informal’ delivery of low-income housing. Secondly, the drastic decline in the capacity of central and local governments to fulfil their housing delivery mandates. Thirdly, the changes to low-income housing delivery approaches in terms of both planning and housing policy and practice. Lastly, the Fast Track Land Reform Programme has had a wide impact on access to housing in peri-urban areas. The study concludes that urban transformation has primarily been the result of social movements placing pressure on planning authorities which has brought a new urban development order. Interactions between social movements and planning institutions have been characterised by struggles, contestation and alliances, which continue to profoundly shape urban planning and housing in Zimbabwe.