Masters Administration - MADMIN

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Africa's contribution to the humanitarian approach of nuclear weapons disarmament : Pelindaba Treaty
(University of the Western Cape, 2016) Mhone, Peggy S; Pretorius, Joelien
This thesis attempts to assess the role Africa has played to further the humanitarian approach to nuclear weapons disarmament. Particular focus is on the Pelindaba Treaty and whether it has been able to strengthen the call for disarmament based on the humanitarian approach. The findings of this research are that the Pelindaba treaty did contribute indirectly to the strengthening of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament because the Treaty serves as an important contribution towards the achievement of a world without nuclear weapons, which is the key objective of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament. In addition, the Pelindaba Treaty has also contributed in strengthening the call for overall nuclear disarmament. This is the case as 53 states signed the treaty to rid the continent of nuclear weapons and any direct threats associated with those weapons. In so doing, it has contributed greatly to disarmament efforts. A nuclear weapons free zone across the continent is a powerful statement about the desire for a nuclear free world. It has provided African states with a foundation for engaging in the humanitarian initiative, as it led to some standardisation of statements/positions. Also, since the inception of the humanitarian approach to disarmament, African states have contributed greatly to the initiative. In terms of numbers, in the three conferences on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons use that have taken place between 2013 and 2014 (in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna), it was witnessed that the number of participating African states increased from 34 in the first meeting to 45 in the last meeting. This alone indicates the determination and commitment by these African states to the initiative. Conclusively, this research determined that the Pelindaba Treaty and efforts of African states in general have contributed towards strengthening the call for not only the humanitarian initiative to nuclear weapons disarmament but also to disarmament overall.
The Arab spring and the politics of gender: Assessing campaigns for women’s rights in Egypt and Tunisia
(University of the Western Cape, 2022) Fredericks, Lauren Raylene; Pillay, Suren
The Arab Spring or, as some call it, Arab Awakening, started in December 2010. The reasons for the Arab Spring were numerous and diverse. For some time, sections of Arab societies have confronted the suppression of free discourse, human rights abuse monetary mismanagement, corruption and stifling of political disagreement. As endless broadcast scenes from the Arab Spring affirmed, many women were on the barricades during the uprisings.
An assessment of government early childhood development policy to expand access and improve quality: a case study of Brown's farm, Western Cape.
(University of the Western Cape, 2014-11) Nyembezi, Nkosikhulule; Piper, Laurence
In assessing government ECD policy, this thesis focuses on three areas; access, quality, and costs. The study draws on interviews with key stakeholders working within the ECD sector generally, and uses survey data from a case study of Brown's Farm area in Cape Town. The research found that, some ten years down the line, ECD provision is still mostly privately provided by the informal sector through community-based facilities. Both formal and informal ECD facilities are unevenly spatially distributed such that they do not yet reach the most vulnerable poor children, especially in rural areas and informal settlements.
Campaigning in Party Strongholds: A case of Imizamo Yethu, Hout Bay.
(University of the Western Cape, 2015) Dyantyi, Mandisa; Africa, Cherrel
The ability to campaign freely in the run-up to elections is seen as a critical part of democracy. This study seeks to establish whether South African political parties can campaign freely in township areas, without fear of intimidation or violence, or whether they remain closed party strongholds. This paper examines what constitutes a �free and fair� campaign space. This study then explores the 2014 election campaigns of the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in the township of Imizamo Yethu in Hout Bay in the Western Cape and examines party campaigning in that particular township. The study looks at the perceptions of political parties and the community members with regard to the campaign process in Imizamo Yethu. It looks at how both the governing and the opposition parties experienced campaigning in this area, which is the stronghold of the ANC, and how free and fair they think the whole process was. Community members� perception of the political parties is also examined. This study finds that opposition parties experienced a number of challenges while campaigning in this area. Some of these challenges were that the people in the area were not very receptive to other parties that are not the ANC due to factors such as party identification and clientelistic relationships that exist in the community. The study then concludes that even though these issues are not sole contributors, they play a significant role in influencing people�s voting decisions and how they view political parties.
Challenging prejudice through participation: a case study of an anti-xenophobic community based organisation in Khayelitsha site c in the Western Cape, South Africa
(University of Western Cape, 2013) Ako, Abang Zacheous; Piper, Laurence
This study is an investigation into how the Site C, Action Committee Against Xenophobia (SACAX) in Khayelitsha was able to mobilise the community, community based organisations, and governance structures alongside national and international Non-Governmental Organisations working with refugees to successfully challenge prejudice towards African immigrants in the period leading to the World Cup 2010. The primary objective of this mobilisation was to raise consciousness about the plight of African immigrants; prevent a new round of attacks; and also to ensure that state officials were better prepared to intervene in future outbursts. The various stakeholders that took part in this cogovernance space are unanimous that the SACAX programme ushered in a new era of creating awareness and civic education that changed significantly the perception of the community towards African immigrants during the World Cup 2010. The thesis will also show how SACAX also encourage a more active citizenship and also built network between civil society including national and international NGOs and local state. These efforts created a new set of relations and saw the construction of new sets of relations in terms of capacity building across civil society, the state and local and international actors. This resulted in both the creation of an early warning mechanisms and also networks to coordinate efforts in future outburst. This was an example of a Co-governance space or nascent „participatory sphere‟. The example of SACAX is thus a case of civil society deepening democracy in three ways: expanding democratic values, building democratic citizenship and creating new participatory institutional capacity. This then elucidates the role civil society can play in influencing citizens directly, government and public policy. Indeed, to the extent that this network forms the basis of a substantive partnership between state and civil society from local to international levels, such co-governance around the policy issues can be seen as a nascent form of participatory space as identified by Cornwall and Coelho (2007:1).
Corporate citizenship and the millennium development goals: the case of South African Breweries in the Western Cape
(University of the Western Cape, 2013) Oloumou, Yannick Rodrigue Dieu; Pretorius, Joelien
This study explores the relationship between companies and society with regards to companies’ social responsibilities. A number of concepts such as Corporate Citizenship (CC), Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Social Investment (CSI), articulate the role of companies in society. While these concepts are often used interchangeably, the main argument advanced in this study is that the concept of CC has more political currency than other concepts as CC confers duties and rights to companies in communities where they operate. In developing countries, CC is concerned with the role played by companies in administering the socio-economic rights of people living in communities where they operate. The study seeks to provide an overview of corporations’ obligations towards the socio-economic rights of people through CC, proposing the use of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as a way to find a normative framework for CC.
A critical assessment of the quality of decentralised primary health care services in the cape metro district of the Western Cape
(2009) Peton, Neshaan; Pretorius, Leon G.
The complex and multi-facet decentralisation process of Primary Health Care services in the Cape Metro District of the Western Cape will be critically assessed in this thesis. Primary Health Care is the provision of promotive; preventative; curative and rehabilitative services within the community setting. South Africa initially adopted the Primary Health Care strategy in 1978 as a member state of the World Health Organisation but this was during the Apartheid regime which did very little about implementing the strategy. In 1994 the Government of National Unity (GNU) came into power and there was a renewed commitment to implementing Primary Health Care in order to render health care services to the previously underprivileged masses. The GNU set an eight year time frame for the full implementation of this process from the date of commitment. Now more than ten years later an assessment of the process is necessary to determine if the objectives of the process has been achieved. An independent organisation such as the Health System Trust has in 1998 and 2003 provided some form of evaluation of the process and this will also be discussed in thesis. The District Health system is part of a unitary Provincial Health System that is decentralised to enable the centre (Provincial Management) and the periphery (District and Sub-district Management) to function more effectively and cooperatively. The District Health System is the management structure for primary health care services as this system allows for interaction of all the role-players involved in delivering health care at district level as it puts in place a decentralised Health Management team who is responsible for the planning, managing, implementing and monitoring of the Primary Health Care Package of care at district level. In summary the district is the place where community needs and national priorities are reconciled. This thesis will therefore show the disjuncture that exists between the Primary Health Care policy intent, the policy implementation and the service delivery outcomes on the ground level. The general objective is to do a critical assessment of the Quality of Decentralised Primary Health Care Services in the Cape Metro District of the Western Cape. More specific objectives for the research include: Defining and discussing the Primary Health Care Approach and the District Health System using the target indicators currently used by the City of Cape Town and the Provincial government of the Western Cape Health department to assess the impact of this process. To document the implementation process of the District Health System in the Cape Town Metro District as a case study while analysing the findings in terms of successes, constraints, challenges; and make recommendations for the way forward. The methodology of the study is of a qualitative and descriptive nature. The research design is a case study of the Cape Metro District. The target population will be all those accessing primary health care services in this district. The sample technique is selected by convenience. Data will be gathered directly and indirectly by doing observation and semi – structured interviews and the administration of questionnaires. The framework criteria for assessing the quality would for example include key indicators such as for example the ratio of Professional Nurse to patient; number of health services per three kilometre radius as per the Comprehensive Service Plan 2007 goals and the availability of essential drugs as per primary health care protocol. This directly relates to the key elements that underpin the District Health System namely: equity, access, quality, effectiveness, efficiency, sustainability, overcoming fragmentation, intersectoral approach and community participation. The main findings indicate that not enough resources have been allocated to the decentralising process causing much delay in its implementation. Shortages of health professionals, infrastructure constraints and poor adherence to legislation also contribute to the delay in implementation. This is why to date the four health districts of the Cape Town Metro District is not fully functional and the quality of the service they provide do not fully adhere to the 2010 Health Care Plan Model.
(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African Union
(University of the Western Cape, 2014) Langeveldt, Veleska; Pretorius, Joelien
The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war
Delivery and democracy through civil society? The violence prevention through urban upgrading project (vpuu) and the safety sector of the proudly Manenberg organisation (pmo) in Manenberg, Cape town
(2013) Manuel, Monique Lizelle; Piper, Laurence
Post-apartheid local government in South Africa has significant responsibilities in terms of redressing the socio-economic imbalances of the past, including basic service delivery and fostering local economic development. In meeting the socio-economic and material needs of communities, local government is also required to be democratic by enhancing various forms of public participation in governance and through the election of community representatives for local decision-making. So far as participation is concern, Cornwall (2002), distinguishes between two forms of mechanisms for public participation to include; ‘invited spaces’ (authorized participation) and ‘invented spaces’ (unauthorized participation). In the context of local government in South Africa, invited spaces include elections ward committees and public consultation around the annual budget and integrated development planning (IDP) process. While, invented spaces include protest, civil society engagement with the state and social movement activities. However, the last ten years has revealed that, the promise of effective, responsive and inclusive local governance has not been fulfilled. Rather local government has proven to be unresponsive as revealed by increasing protests over poor service delivery, as well as formal assessments of local government performance. In this context of poor state performance and unresponsiveness, substantial literature points to civil society as a source for deepening democracy and active citizenship. This thesis explores one version of this idea by examining two civil society programmes in the impoverished and gang-ridden community of Manenberg in Cape Town. More specifically this thesis examines the security programme of the Proudly Manenberg Organisation (PMO) and the infrastructure development programme of the Violence Prevention Through Urban Upgrading Programme (VPUU). Contrary to the claim that civil society is a source for enhancing democracy and service delivery, this thesis has found that neither of these programmes has yielded much in terms of fostering democracy and service delivery. In interrogating concerns regarding forms of representation, accountability and participation, it may be argued that in terms of both representation and accountability, the PMO represents and accounts to a certain minority only. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that participation in the safety sector activities reinforces rather than challenging the coercive rule iii of gangs (drug lords) in Manenberg. With reference to VPUU, failure to implement the programme has frustrated many potential community allies. Furthermore, inclusion in the VPUU project in Manenberg was only accorded to two NGOs (notably PMO), despite the fact that there are two hundred and thirty NGOs conducting activities in Manenberg. This has limited participation in the first stages of the project to those groups. While, the VPUU project has delayed in Manenberg, its representatives have also been seen to be unaccountable to the community. In short, with reference to Manenberg, the notion that civil society can solve or model alternative solutions to democratic development remains farfetched.
Factors affecting the retention of black employees at a large financial institution
(2008) Mohamed, Fatiema; Heslop, Karl
The results emanating from the study indicate that Work Environment variables played the most crucial role in retaining Black talent in the organisation at which the research was undertaken. There were significant relationships between some of the biographical variables and retention, and the four retention factors significantly explained the variance in retention. Recommendations based on the data were made to various stakeholders in order to address the existing problem, while simultaneously protecting the rights to confidentiality of the respondents.
The impact and the effectiveness of the child support grant in Gugulethu
(2008) Jacobs, Liziwe Vinolia; de Coning, Professor Christo
The findings in this study demonstrate that the Child Support Grant is only effective if it is incorporated into the household income, that recipients of the grant mainly spend it on food and in paying school fees for their children. Although the recipients share the same sentiments with regards to the amount of the grant, they all agree that it does have a positive impact on the lives of the children, especially when it is combined with the household income
My City or Their City? A case study of the Imizamo Yethu taxi industry and the MyCiti bus services in Hout Bay
(University of the Western Cape, 2015) Bristow, Roslyn Anne; Piper, Laurence
South Africa has a growing economy with about 19 million of people going to work and looking for work every day (Ahmed 2004). The majority of people in South Africa use public transport in order to get to work. According to Ahmed (2004), 65 % of the people who use public transport, make use of the minibus taxis. The minibus taxis established themselves during late Apartheid as a solution to transporting poor, black people to and from work. Over the years during Apartheid and after, the minibus taxi industry has grown from a few, small scale businesses to a nationwide structured organisation (McCaul 1999). In 2007, the National Department of Transport created the Public Transport Strategy and Action Plan that would look at reorganising the transport system in South Africa. The main idea of restructuring the public transport system was to introduce a scheduled bus system which was reliable. In 2008, the City of Cape Town decided to begin plan and implement a new Bus Rapid Transport system (BRT system). This new transport system would be regulated and scheduled in order to make commuters movements around the city easier. (Ahmed 2004, 2-3) The BRT can be seen through the lens of competitive cities (Huchzemeyer), a notion intimately tied to neo-liberal and high modernist world views. Neoliberalism fosters competition between countries and companies across the world. Countries who want to be competitive and attract foreign direct investment adopt the neoliberal policies in order to make investing, trading and profit making easier and more attractive for businesses, especially international investors. The City of Cape Town follows neoliberal thought in the sense of adopting policies aimed at creating a city that can compete on an international level with other cities (Integrated Development Plan 2012-2017). The Integrated Development Plan (IDP) provides the City of Cape Town with a strategic framework on how to create sustainable development and growth so that the City may grow and develop economically as well as socially. This entails creating a city that is capable of supporting and aiding business expansion and development in all sectors as well as ensuring that Cape Town remains a prime tourist destination in order to attract international and local investment (Integrated Development Plan 2012-2017). In addition to a neo-liberal flavour, competitive cities invoke the high-handedness of modernist planning that Scott (1998) identifies in, 'Seeing like a State'. The theory explains how the state wants to create progress to improve the lives of the people by creating order out of the organic chaos that has emerged from the community/city over time. The outcome is that the State implements policy that eradicates the unique informal design and replaces it with a formal structure which can have a negative impact on the poor. This simplification is also often the reason why many historical social and economic practises are lost and replaces with order and simplicity – loss of unique identity (Scott 1998). These elements of the ideal competitive city are manifested in the BRT idea too. The City of Cape Town is in the process of trying to simplify and re-organise the transport system in the City in order to ensure that Cape Town fits into the mould of a competitive city. This new bus service will in effect eradicate the ‘organic chaos’ of the taxi industry as the taxis are replaced with MyCiti. The City of Cape Town used the process of public participation to consult with the taxi associations and owners. The City used 'invited spaces' (Cornwall 2002), to engage with the affected taxi parties and "sell" the idea of the BRT system. The City did use public participation; however, they only consulted the elites (Taxi owners and associations) in the taxi industry. Once the elites were satisfied that they would receive compensation for the loss of their business, they bought into the BRT system often at the expense of their voiceless employees. In Imizamo Yethu, Hout Bay, the Hout Bay taxi association and Hout Bay Cape Town associations used invented spaces, namely protests, to engage with the City about MyCiti. These associations believe that the implementation of the BRT system has affected their livelihoods in a negative way and that the City did not consult them about the implementation of the MyCiti bus service. There are also other conflicts that have arisen because of the implementation of the MyCiti bus service which has impacted negatively on the community. The result from the implementation of the BRT system is mixed. On one hand it would seem that the City of Cape Town has turned towards creating a competitive city and away from effects on the parlous lives of the poor. The City in conjunction with the ODA (full trading name), have tried to minimise the impact of the BRT system on the taxi micro-economy. However, those whose business was only partially affected have been left to fend for themselves. The problem, according to the City of Cape Town, is that there are limits to how much compensation they can give. Unfortunately, those left without compensation and loss of business are the victims of a society which favours straight lines compared to organic unique chaos.
No meaningful participation without effective representation: the case of the Niall Mellon Housing Project in Imizamo Yethu, Hout Bay
(University of the Western Cape, 2015) Sikota, Zikhona; Piper, L.
Access to adequate housing is one of the most debated issues in democratic South Africa. The government continues to battle with existing backlogs in the provision of housing and a seemingly increasing demand. At the same time, urban populations take to the streets to register their anger and frustration at the slow progress of service delivery as a whole, including housing and other basic services. Clearly this is an important issue in the country, one that has inspired great public debate and further engagement between the state and the people. Notably, this dissatisfaction endures despite the fact that South Africa’s post-apartheid government discourse on state-society relations has centred on greater participation, especially at local government level, as reflected in the commitment to participatory democracy in the South African constitution. Despite this, in general government housing policy has focused on ensuring the delivery of houses to the people rather than the participatory processes in the provision of housing. The 1994 Housing White Paper took an ‘incremental’ or ‘progressive’ approach to housing, which is a developer driven approach that limits the participation of ordinary citizens in the provision of housing, despite the government’s commitment to enabling participation. The introduction of the People’s Housing Process (PHP) in 1998 (later revised and became the Enhanced People’s Housing Process) was a breakthrough in government’s efforts for the involvement of communities in the housing process. However, even this initiative was criticised for its lack of any meaningful participation, as the contribution of individual residents and communities was limited to the implementation process, while the policy decisions were still in government hands. The revision of this policy and the broadening of the housing policy through Breaking New Ground were meant to encourage community ownership of housing provision and empower them beyond the limitations of the PHP. Notably, the meaning of participation encoded in housing programmes, particularly those such as the PHP, is taken for granted. It is assumed that participation will occur in a straight forward process. However, as this demonstrates, effective participatory processes necessitate particular forms of representation for beneficiaries. Designing an effective participatory mechanism thus requires paying attention to new practices of representation as well as new practices of participation. In the participatory housing processes in particular such representation is essential as the direct participation of communities in decision making might not be feasible at some points in the process, hence, community residents need people that will communicate and make decisions on their behalf in engaging with government. The South African literature on state-society relations is largely silent on the relationship between representation and participatory processes, thus there is limited analysis on local level leaders that become part of these participatory processes. This is the gap that this study explores in relation to housing through a case-study of the role of local community leaders in a People’s Housing Process housing project in Imizamo Yethu, Hout Bay. It aims to understand the significance of the representative role played by local leaders who are not part of the formal democratic system of representation in development participatory processes. In exploring the Niall Mellon Housing Project as a case study, the research illustrates three main points: first, local leaders played a crucial role in the housing project. They initiated and implemented the programme and contributed to the overall success of the project. Indeed it is sensible to assume that organised and legitimate local leaders are essential to development projects as they are able to provide an effective link between government and the community. Second, since these local leaders are not part of the established democratic system of representation, their status is vulnerable to contestation. Local leaders lack the formal authority that usually occurs in representation modes that require explicit authorisation or those formalised as part of the state system of representation. Their position can easily be challenged and their legitimacy questioned. Third, development projects such as the one under investigation also create these kinds of legitimacy crisis. This is due to the competition for scarce government resources introduced by the development projects. Thus, those who feel excluded from the project may retaliate and question the actions of the local leaders. Hence, even though community leaders are useful in this participatory process, the state of their position is vulnerable and their legitimacy can be undermined by the very process that needs their participation.
Not my hair! Perceptions of young black women on policing of their hair at Model C schools
(University of the Western Cape, 2023) Hamidou, Chayana Amina; Piper, Laurence
This study aims to explore the experiences of young Black women educated in former all-white schools, better known as Model C schools, and their stories around the policing of their hair. This phenomenon is particularly prominent in interracial spaces where whiteness is normalised and people of colour are ostensibly the minority, such as at Historically White Model C Schools. This qualitative study seeks to understand these experiences and their linkages to historical events, utilising Critical Race Theory (CRT) and the concept of Politicisation as theoretical frameworks for analysis.
Problematizing 'victim's justice' : political reform in post-genocide Rwanda
(University of the Western cape, 2016) Bachu, Nivrata; Pillay, Suren
In this dissertation, I problematize 'victim's justice' in post-genocide Rwanda. I argue that the kind of justice that was meted out in post-genocide Rwanda, namely victors' justice and complementary to it – victims’ justice, does not allow for the political reform required to break the cycle of violence in Rwanda. In the aftermath of the 1994-Rwandan Genocide, both state and society were faced with a moral and political dilemma, because the popular agency or mass participation of perpetrators derived from the Hutu majority, who targeted the Tutsi minority, with intent to annihilate them. There were massacres of both Hutus and Tutsis, but Hutus were targeted as individuals, whereas Tutsis were targeted as a group. It is the specific ‘intent to annihilate’ Tutsis as group, that makes this a Genocide against Tutsis. I draw and develop arguments made by Mahmood Mamdani, elaborating on the specific question of ‘victims justice’ for political reform in Rwanda. Both kinds of justice were outcomes of the logic of the Nuremburg Trials. Since its inception, the legacy of the Nuremburg Trial is demonstrated in how it was idealized at the end of the Cold-War by international law and human rights regime. In essence, the historical and political context of the Nuremburg trial has been removed, as it has been produced into a template- the 'Nuremburg-styled criminal trial'. 'Criminal justice' has come to define how we think of justice after mass violence, as the most morally acceptable form of justice for the victims, and the most politically viable response for constituting a 'new political order' after mass violence. This dissertation addresses the argument made, that victors' justice and victims' justice in Rwanda, has constituted two categories, which collectivise Tutsis as victims and Hutus as perpetrators. In the context of a genocide, where the perpetrators are derived from the Hutu majority and the victims from the Tutsi minority, this present both a moral and political dilemma for Rwanda’s state-building and national reconciliation project. Criminal justice also frames mass violence as being criminal, rather than addressing it as political violence. This has troubling consequences for intervening into the cycle of violence in Rwanda. The 'cycle of violence' in Rwanda, refers to the continuation of political violence, in which 'every round of perpetrators has justified the use of violence as the only effective guarantee against being victimised yet again. Thus, intervention into the cycle of violence would mean thinking out of the logic of victimhood and pursuing an alternative kind of justice. To think of the genocide as political violence, redirects the attention to the issues that made the genocide possible. I establish the importance and necessity of critically interrogating 'victims justice' in Rwanda, by placing the 1994-Genocide in its historical and political context, with a particular focus on the legacy of colonialism. The post-colonial regimes in Rwanda, inherited the colonial institutions of rule; and the politicisation of Hutu and Tutsi into racial categories, which have shaped particular meanings for power, justice and citizenship. I demonstrate in this dissertation that critical issues found in post-genocide Rwanda today, are symptomatic of the inherited colonial legacy. I address the prevailing political crisis through an analysis on post-genocide governance; national reconciliation; the 'land question'; and the Great Lakes refugee crisis. Furthermore, I found that it was critically important for my research question, to also adopt a regional perspective, because Rwanda lies at the epicentre of the Great Lakes regional crisis. This dissertation concludes with returning to the question of political reform, and breaking the 'cycle of violence'. My suggestion is that we need to think of Mamdani's concept of survivor's justice, rather than victims' justice or victors' justice, which assist in confronting the needs of political reform that address colonial legacies.
The role of civil society organizations in assisting homeless citizens through participatory governance: A case study of Reclaim the City.
(University of the Western Cape, 2020) Eyong, Tarh M.; Anciano, F.
This study investigates how a civil society organisation, Reclaim the City (RTC), based in the old Woodstock Hospital is attempting to address the plight of the homeless through deepening participatory governance. Homelessness is a growing concern in South Africa. Post-1994 the African National Congress (ANC) embarked on the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) to address the imbalances of the past through providing housing, water, electricity and sanitation amongst others. However by 1996 this program was decommissioned and replaced by the Growth, Employment, and Reconstruction (GEAR) policy which ushered in the privatisation of basic services. The challenge was that many of the previously marginalised could not pay for these services. The move away from the RDP meant residents had to pay for housing and when many could not pay their rents they were evicted. The evicted moved into the streets and later, in this case study, to the old Woodstock Hospital. In their new location, they started engaging with Development Action Group (DAG) and Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) and the City of Cape Town to address their plight.
The role of institutions in state-private sector interaction: the case of the management contract for water and wastewater services in the Amman Governorate, Jordan
(2008) Steiner, Sylvia Marlene; Bardill, John
This research investigates the performance of private sector participation (PSP) in the water sector from a governance perspective. It is concerned with the role that institutions play in the interaction between the state and the private sector, which occurs with respect to the regulation and implementation of such PSP arrangements. The research takes place within the context of a development debate and practice, which identifies water as a key poverty issue in a substantial part of the developing countries, which advocates private sector participation as a remedy to inadequate water management and which acknowledges good governance as a crucial requirement for development. Nevertheless, few studies have scrutinized the impact of governance and institutions on the outcome of PSP arrangements in the water sector. Most research on the performance of PSP arrangements has examined exogenous and endogenous determinants, such as the price mechanism and the property rights allocation, but these factors proved unsatisfactory as explaining variables in the context of natural resource management. To contribute to filling a gap in research this study aims at evaluating the impact of institutional frameworks on the outcome of private sector participation in water supply and sanitation through a case study of the Management Contract for Water and Wastewater Service in the Amman Governorate, Jordan. At the end of the 1990s the quality of water supply and sanitation in the Jordanian capital Amman was unsatisfactory, as supply was insufficient and entailed high costs. Therefore, in 1999, the government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan contracted a private joint venture to improve water service provision in the Amman Governorate. The research takes into account the specific institutional framework for the mentioned arrangement in Amman, which is comprised of the national judicial and political institutions, the specific regulatory institutions as well as relevant international institutions. These institutions are not limited to laws and regulations only, but also include informal institutions such as traditions. The specific objective of this study is to show how the institutional framework of a transaction affects regulatory processes by abating and amplifying the potential for opportunistic behavior of the contracting parties, and thereby affecting the performance of a privately operated water utility. The examination of the institutional framework of the Amman Management Contract revealed that mainly judicial and international institutions and specific contract rules were constraining the discretion of the contracting parties. Political checks and balances were insufficiently established and the regulatory institutions of the water sector were set up in an improper way. The field study discovered that the resulting discretionary power of certain actor was used opportunistically, which had a detrimental effect on the outcome of the PSP arrangement. Nevertheless the overall performance of the arrangement was good from which the general insight was drawn that regulatory credibility may be developed even in unpropitious environments. However, to be able to judge upon the effect of governance and institutions on a planned or existing PSP arrangement each time a complex assessment of the respective institutional environment is necessary. This is because institutions may not be seen as independent building blocks but rather form a network which is likely to be unique for each country and situation. The mini-thesis is organized as follows. In Chapter 1 an outline of the study and its problem background is provided. Chapter 2 provides a detailed literature review and sets out the theoretical framework and research hypotheses of the study. Chapter 3 outlines the research design and methodology that was used for the study. Chapter 4 provides background detail on the Jordanian political, economic and social situation, on the issues pertaining to the water sector, andon the Amman water contract. Chapter 5 provides a description and analysis of the main research findings. Chapter 6 provides a summary as well as final conclusions and considerations.
The role regime type plays with respect to intelligence cooperation: the case of South Africa and Israel
(University of the Western Cape, 2019) Walbrugh, Dean John; Pretorius, Joelien
This thesis explores the intelligence cooperation exhibited between South Africa and Israel during the time periods of apartheid (1948-1994) and post-apartheid (1994-2015). Regime type is explored as a factor impacting on the intelligence relationship in both periods. Pertinent to the case study is the fact that South Africa and Israel’s regime type shared commonalities during the first period, but not the second. The thesis examines how these commonalities facilitated intelligence cooperation during apartheid, then turns to the question how the change in South Africa’s regime type after 1994 (whilst Israel’s remained the same) impacted on intelligence cooperation. In order to understand the significance of South Africa’s regime change on the intelligence relationship between the two states, a comprehensive theoretical framework is proposed in order to analyse how and why the internal policies of the two states redirected their intelligence relationship. Within this thesis, the concept of regime type is not used in a conventional way, it is framed through a constructivist notion that includes a focus on identity and how this shapes the two states’ intelligence bureaucratic behaviour. This constructivist framing is in turn juxtaposed to two other International Relations (IR) theories, namely: realism and liberalism. This thesis therefore explores how the system of apartheid in South Africa and a system that has been compared to apartheid in Israel brought the two states together on a national interest level. But, what constituted the perceived alignment of national interests and filtered down into a bureaucratic level is better understood through the constructivist notion of culture and identity that actually solidified the relationship. Culture and identity formed the basis of what made the relationship between the two states strong, and as per the focus of this thesis, manifested in intelligence cooperation between the two states that goes over and beyond what Realists would predict. Although liberalism can explain the apartheid relationship better, it cannot explain why the relationship was not severed after apartheid. Since the end of apartheid, the intelligence relationship has been deteriorating, but this has been a gradual process. This study investigates how regime type impact on intelligence cooperation. It applies the three main IR theories in order to explain and understand the post-apartheid South Africa-Israel relationship. It finds that although Realism and Liberalism are useful, interpreting regime type in a constructivist way adds significantly to explanations of the role regime type plays.
Sector policing to improve community policing in South Africa
(2008) Smith, Donovan; Hohls, O.
The study introduces and puts forward Sector Policing as a model to expand Community Policing and to broaden the scope of crime prevention. It also demonstrates how Sector Policing can be utilised to decentralise policing and deepen community participation.
Smokkel for the pot : the politics of liquor retail in the Western Cape, a case study of Atlantis
(University of the Western Cape, 2016) Peters, Nicolette Chandre’; Piper, Laurence
The Western Cape Liquor Act of 2008 was implemented to decrease the amount of shebeens operating in South Africa’s residential areas. This action was taken in order to reduce liquor harm which has been widely reported on by health professionals. However shebeens serve as a livelihood source for poor South Africans. Thus a possible tension could exist since shebeen owners and communities might become disgruntled with politicians, political parties and government for implementing a law which threatens livelihoods. This thesis paper examines the political perceptions of the people of Atlantis towards political parties in light of the implementation of the Western Cape Liquor Act of 2008. Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted with key role players residing in Atlantis, and focus groups were also held with shebeen owners. This was done in order to determine the community’s attitude towards shebeens, liquor, politicians, political parties, government and the Liquor Act. Respondents reported that the community remains underdeveloped and that their views are ignored by politicians and other public officials. Shebeens are viewed as a necessary evil since there is a stigma attached to selling liquor and many respondents believe that liquor abuse is the cause of many socio economic problems facing Atlantis. However there are no other viable job opportunities in the area forcing shebeen proprietors and the community to accept shebeens. Interestingly this thesis also shows that both the key role players and shebeen owners have a similar attitude towards shebeens and politicians; as both groups have adopted an ambivalent attitude towards shebeens and politicians. Bayat (2000) Chatterjee’s (2004) writings will be used to show that informality has become the only viable option in Atlantis. This is because the state has not been able to provide alternative employment in the area. The residents therefore now break the law in order to survive. Moreover politics and politicians are disliked but residents still partake in politics .There is therefore an ambivalence towards both politics and shebeens in the area. In conclusion the people of Atlantis feel marginalized and oppressed by those who wield political power. The Western Cape Liquor Act however, has not had a dramatic impact as will be shown when comparing Bayat’s (2000) quiet encroachment of the ordinary theory to the case.

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