Department of Political Studies

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Assessing pre-election political space in the 2011 local government elections
(Unisa Press, 2012) Africa, Cherrel; Lynch, Gerry
The administration of elections in South Africa, including the 2011 local government elections(hereafter the 2011 elections), has widely been hailed as a resounding success. Yet competitive elections, an essential component of any democratic system, require more than smooth running administrative systems. Competitive elections require competitive campaigns and an environment where voters can vote and express their opinions without fear of retribution. In this article, we conduct a systematic assessment of pre-election space in the 2011 elections. We present a unique coding scheme developed by the Election Monitoring Network (EMN) to grade individual instances of electionrelated intolerance and intimidation. The coding scheme provides a framework to quantitatively assess a given campaign and election. We also present data on instances of pre-election intimidation and violence gathered by the EMN from 3 March until 13 May. The data reveal that whilst the vast majority of South Africans can vote and express their opinions without fear of retribution, there are underlying tensions which remain a cause for concern. When viewed in conjunction with the Afrobarometer survey data (2008) on perceptions of political space in South Africa, it becomes clear that pre-election campaign space is fragile and not given, and will therefore need to be nurtured in future elections.
Assessing the use of 'new media' as a communication tool by the ANC,DA and EFF in the run up to South Africa's 2019 provincial and national elections.
(University of the Western Cape, 2021) Matika, Simone; Africa, Cherrel
In May 2019, South Africa held its sixth democratic national and provincial elections. 48 political parties participated in this general election compared to the 19 that participated in 2014. Thus, the 2019 elections witnessed a significant broadening of political options that could appeal to the electorate. At the same time mechanisms for political parties to communicate and engage with voters have also evolved. Research has shown that ‘new media’, commonly known as social media (Facebook, Instagram and Twitter for example), have increasingly become part of the political communication methods within electoral democracies. Given this, the study aimed to conduct a deep analysis of the use of Twitter as a communication tool by the African National Congress (ANC), Democratic Alliance (DA) and Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) during the election campaign period of 2019. The study adopted a qualitative method, by having a virtual ethnography approach to collect Twitter feeds. In addition, a Twitter survey was conducted in order to understand how the users received the political campaigns on the platform. The analysis was guided by the theoretical framework of Foot and Schneider (2006) which outlines and discusses four pillars (or functions) of online campaigning namely: “informing, involving, connecting and mobilizing”.
Campaigning in Party Strongholds: A case of Imizamo Yethu, Hout Bay.
(University of the Western Cape, 2015) Dyantyi, Mandisa; Africa, Cherrel
The ability to campaign freely in the run-up to elections is seen as a critical part of democracy. This study seeks to establish whether South African political parties can campaign freely in township areas, without fear of intimidation or violence, or whether they remain closed party strongholds. This paper examines what constitutes a �free and fair� campaign space. This study then explores the 2014 election campaigns of the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in the township of Imizamo Yethu in Hout Bay in the Western Cape and examines party campaigning in that particular township. The study looks at the perceptions of political parties and the community members with regard to the campaign process in Imizamo Yethu. It looks at how both the governing and the opposition parties experienced campaigning in this area, which is the stronghold of the ANC, and how free and fair they think the whole process was. Community members� perception of the political parties is also examined. This study finds that opposition parties experienced a number of challenges while campaigning in this area. Some of these challenges were that the people in the area were not very receptive to other parties that are not the ANC due to factors such as party identification and clientelistic relationships that exist in the community. The study then concludes that even though these issues are not sole contributors, they play a significant role in influencing people�s voting decisions and how they view political parties.
Judgement and choice in the 1999 South African election
(Taylor & Francis, 1999) Mattes, Robert; Taylor, Helen; Africa, Cherrel
In this article, we set out the basic points of the theoretical framework of voter choice that underlie the Opinion '99 research project. In contrast to prevailing theories that have characterized voter choice in South Africa as an ethnic or racial census, this approach emphasizes the role of how voters learn about government performance and the alternatives offered by opposition parties. We then deduce a very simplified model that consciously excludes all 'structural' variables and includes only measures of voter evaluations of government performance and views of political parties and candidates. We use discriminant analysis (DA) to predict the partisan preferences of respondents from a nationally representative September 1998 survey with these measures. We find that the partisan choices of a very large majority of South Africans can be correctly predicted with this model.
The need for a new language? How historically disadvantaged institutions grapple with the effects of labelling in Higher Education: the case of the University of the Western Cape
(Taylor & Francis, 2017) Africa, Cherrel; Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai
Tertiary institutions in South Africa have been dichotomised through the colonial structure and apartheid which sought to subjugate some institutions and elevate others. Not only have historically disadvantaged institutions (HDIs) faced a set of deep material difficulties, they have also had to grapple with the negative implications of naming. Using the work of Stryker and Burke as well as Bourdieu, this article interrogates the complexities of the HDI label for the University of the Western Cape. This is a complex issue because the same label can simultaneously provide access to state resources and inhibit opportunities from potential sponsors and employers. Unlike individuals who can hold multiple identities, institutions are expected to embrace a particular identity. Our conclusion is that we need to open the conversation about institutional labelling and develop a new language to describe former HDIs which should ideally acknowledge their difficult history without perpetuating stigma.
The negotiated nation: Evaluation of nation building in the post-apartheid South Africa
(University of Western Cape, 2021) Moya, Hazel Nasiphi; Africa, Cherrel
The demise of apartheid presented South Africa with an opportunity to rebuild itself from its painful racist past to become a home to all those who live in it. This was done through a process of nation-building, which took the form of a multicultural civic nation, affectionately known as the Rainbow Nation, that embraces diverse cultures while affirming that individual citizens have equal rights. This thesis argues that the building of the Rainbow Nation has been somewhat successful, but more on a symbolic than institutional level, and that enduring forms of racial exclusion from socio-economic well-being pose the greatest threat to constructing a united, multicultural nation of civic equals.
Party support and voter behaviour in the Western Cape: Trends and patterns since 1994
(Sabinet, 2010) Africa, Cherrel
Since 1994 election outcomes in the Western Cape have been examined through analyses of the ‘coloured vote’. These explanations, which are premised on the racially based motivations of voters, feed into the choices, rhetoric and behaviour of political parties. Besides inadvertently providing justification for racially inflammatory campaign strategies they allow parties to neglect their duty to give voters adequate information. In this article I provide an overview of voting trends and the political developments which have underpinned these patterns. I argue that it is not the nature of the electorate but national political developments and political parties, through their behaviour and campaigns, that are responsible for gains and losses and for the dramatic political changes in the province.
Race, class and law in post-Apartheid South Africa: A Marxist critique of Black Economic Empowerment
(University of Western Cape, 2020) Hoskins, Jonathan Mark; Africa, Cherrel
With the advent of democracy, the ANC government was faced with the problem of addressing abject poverty, persistent unemployment and rank economic inequality that beset black South Africans under apartheid. To address these problems in a structured and comprehensive fashion, the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003 (BBBEE Act) was promulgated. Several economists believed that growth in the economy is the bedrock upon which black economic empowerment would provide the foundation to correct these economic problems. This study sought to interrogate black economic empowerment as a means to address economic inequality and unemployment. The method of analysis and critique employed in this study is based on theories that Marx formulated in Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. In particular, this study draws on Marx’s theories of fictitious capital, surplus value production and appropriation, and the creation of the industrial reserve army. The thesis uses the theory to examine two BEE cases namely the Sanlam and Sasol equity transactions. It also analyses the relationship between productive capital and fictitious capital through an examination of Lonmin plc and Shanduka Pty Ltd, with a focus on the use of labour power to produce surplus value. Finally, it looks briefly at Sanlam and Sankorp to understand the rise of the black middle class in South Africa. Ultimately, this study charts a Marxist path to explain why black economic empowerment is unable to address economic inequality and unemployment. At the centre of this study is the problematisation of the capitalist mode of production on which black economic empowerment rests. The central argument advanced is that the very capitalist structure upon which this growth strategy was based, in fact laid the foundation for the reproduction of these self-same phenomena.
Reproducing toxic election campaigns: Negative campaigning and race-based politics in the Western Cape
(Sabinet, 2015) Africa, Cherrel
The 2014 election in the Western Cape was once again a high-stakes, fiercely-contested affair. Political parties saw the Western Cape as an ‘open race’ and the province became the centre of vigorous campaign efforts in the lead-up to the election. The African National Congress (ANC), which had lost control of the province because its vote share dropped from 45% in 2004 to 32% in 2009, hoped to unseat the Democratic Alliance (DA), which had won in 2009 by a very narrow margin (51%). The ANC felt that it had done enough to regain control of the province, especially in light of deep-seated disillusionment in many communities and the violent protests that took place prior to the election.While the ANC maintained its support base, winning votes from 33% of the provincial electorate, the type of identity-based campaign it pursued combined with other factors to work to the DA’s advantage.
The Role of Faith-Based Organizations (FBOS) in Reducing Crime and Violence in Socio-Economically Disadvantaged Communities: A Case Study of the Community of Bishop Lavis.
(The University of the Western Cape, 2017) Thomas, Angelique; Africa, Cherrel
Out of a personal conviction that having been surrounded by crime and violence for many years was abnormal, this study was born out of a desire for the researcher to understand whether alternative solutions were available that could exist to reduce crime and violence in her own community. While crime rates and violent acts were rising, she considered why the personal religious beliefs of many did not motivate them to consider resisting the violent acts that had so often clashed with their own faith practices. For centuries resisting violence has been a natural reaction across the globe. Historical battles and legendary wars have, for years, been an example of the way in which states have come up against one another and how various organizations have taken up arms in their efforts to restore order. Similarly, gang violence in nations across the world has become a normality. This is no different in South Africa. With the large assemblage of faith communities within South Africa it is necessary to understand what the role of the faith community is in reducing crime and violence in socio-economically disadvantaged communities. By using qualitative methods of observations, interviews and focus group discussions it was found that the main barrier to FBOs fulfilling their partial role of responding to the extreme acts of violence is fear. While they may fulfil their role by responding through general religious activities and responding in voluntary forms in addressing socio-economic issues, FBOs within Bishop Lavis fail to fulfil their role as active agents of change in the face of the violence that is present within the community. This, the researcher then argues, may be some of the very challenges experienced by other FBOs in other areas on the Cape Flats given the responses by the research participants and the common trials and features of the case study in Bishop Lavis.
Small parties and independents – from also-rans to kingmakers
(SUN Press, 2012) Africa, Cherrel; van Rooyen, Garth
Small parties and independents play an important role in South Africa’s democracy. It is on the level of the local that these small parties and independents have some chance to make indents in terms of winning a few wards that could turn them into council kingmakers, or at least represent some particular local constituency needs. This chapter examines the multitude of small and micro-parties, as well as independent candidates in the 2011 local government elections. It first features classification-based endeavours to ‘make sense of this multitude of often-neglected but crucial political players in South Africa’. The classifications use the number of contesting candidates and election outcomes as the two classificatory principles. The chapter also explores the increase in contestation by independent candidates. Thereafter it investigates the details of their results, and the reasons for their largely dismal displays in local election 2011. The chapter concludes that while these political actors remain largely in an underworld of small and micro-parties, they retain enthusiasm for electoral contestation, thus continuing to add value to multi-party democracy in South Africa.
Status quo entrenched and no surprises in the Western Cape
(South African Association of Public Administration and Management (SAAPAM), 2016) Africa, Cherrel
Unlike previous elections in the province, there was an expectance that the Democratic Alliance (DA) would retain control of the City of Cape Town, as well as consolidate in other municipalities in the Western Cape. In the run-up to the 2016 local government election, the ANC, in the Western Cape put on a brave face indicating that it could unseat the DA. However, the 2016 election in the Western Cape saw an entrenchment of the status quo. Indeed, the story of the 2016 Local Government Election in the Western Cape is the story of the DA’s ascent and the ANC’s decline in the province. The DA consolidated its support base in the City of Cape Town from a comfortable majority of 61 percent, in 2011, securing a twothirds majority of 68 percent in 2016. In the rest of the Western Cape, the DA also consolidated its support base, winning in most municipalities with an outright majority and taking control of the balance through coalition agreements. The African National Congress (ANC), which had lost control of the city in 2006 when it was forced out of power through a DA-led coalition, saw its fortunes decline even further in 2016. The ANC no longer controls a single municipality in the Western Cape. This article examines electoral dynamics in the Western Cape, which saw the consolidation of DA support in the province.
Unpacking race, party and class from below: surveying citizenship in the Msunduzi Municipality
(Elsevier, 2012) Piper, Laurence; Africa, Cherrel
On the basis of a 2008 survey conducted in the Msunduzi municipality in the KwaZulu-Natal province, the paper begins an exploration of the character of popular politics and citizenship in South Africa. Embracing a ‘citizen-centred’ methodology informed by participation literatures, and sensibilities to the ‘work in progress’ character of African cities from urban studies debates, the paper interrogates the mainstream liberal-participatory model of citizenship in South Africa, and the critiques of current South African politics informed by these notions, specifically the ‘racial census’ and ‘dominant party syndrome’ analyses. Taken together these views can be read as characterising South African politics as a game for individual citizens governed by liberal rules, but played by racial and/or partisan groups in exclusionary ways, thus distorting liberal democratic mechanisms of representation and accountability. The paper also examines evidence for an alternative class-based analysis of one aspect of citizenship, namely, protest against poor local governance. The paper looks to unpack this ‘liberal model versus racialised communitarian practice’ imaginary by, on the one hand, demonstrating the ways in which citizenship is not racialised, or is asymmetrically racialised. Indeed, other than party allegiances and trust in key offices, very little by way of what citizens do, believe or think of themselves follows discrete racial lines. Similar points hold for partisanship too. On the other hand, the paper does not redeem the liberal-democratic model as there is also evidence of trust in government when it is not deserved based on performance, but more importantly, evidence that citizens embrace ‘informal’ means to secure their rights. A good example of this is protestors who are also more likely to vote than non-protestors. Taken together, these findings affirm both the way in which the racial and partisan legacy of the past is being undone by new institutions and practices, and suggest the complex intersection of these with networks of personal relations which characterise the local politics of most African cities.
Vote-switching in South Africa: exploring the motivations of voters who switched from the ACDP and COPE to the DA in the 2011 local government election
(University of the Western Cape, 2014) Moses, Meshay Lee; Africa, Cherrel
This study explores the motivations of voters who chose to switch their vote or support from the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and the Congress of the People (COPE) to another opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA) in the 2011 local government election. The study was informed by a qualitative research approach. Accordingly, an interview schedule was utilized as a research tool. This schedule contained questions prepared in order to acquire the necessary insight of voters who previously supported the ACDP and COPE (in the 2009 general elections) and moved to the DA in the 2011 local government election. In addition, interviews were conducted with party representatives from the ACDP and COPE in order to gain further insights into their perceptions of the key reasons for their party’s poor performance in this election. Popkin’s integrated theory is used as a basis to make sense of the behaviour and movement of voters during the 2011 local government election. Popkin (1991) argues that voters utilise low-information rationality or “gut-reasoning” when evaluating political parties, their candidates and the issues they present. As will be shown throughout this thesis, Popkin’s approach, where voters combine various sets of information obtained through daily life, the media and political campaigns, best explains the dynamics in the research findings. Based on the research findings, it appears that Popkin’s approach is the most useful for understanding the reasons for the voter migration to the DA in the 2011 election.

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